By Anderson Ojwang

On 15th October 2023, at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology ground in Bondo, Wiper Leader Kalonzo Musyoka, as the chief guest to a function, failed to seize the opportunity to run with the political baton.
The historic event, the 80th birthday of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s eldest son and Siaya senator, Dr Oburu Oginga, was a golden moment for Kalonzo to inherit Azimio La Umoja leader Raila Odinga’s vote bloc.

After the 2022 presidential election, Raila had indicated that he may not contest again for the presidency, and this provided Kalonzo with the opportunity to galvanise the coalition and inherit the ODM leader’s vote bloc.
At the function, Oburu told the gathering that “Kalonzo had stood with us three times and at the opportune time we should also support him. He is a good person.”

At the same function, Raila warned President Ruto to stop belittling Kalonzo and accused him of trying to divide the coalition through unfounded speculations, adding that the flag bearer for the group would be announced at the opportune time.
“He is speaking about Kalonzo as if they are equals. Kalonzo is far better than him, Ruto. He wants to divide us with talk about who will run for the presidency, yet we ourselves have not announced anything. We will show him he knows nothing, we will stand with Kalonzo because he is an honest person,” he said.

Kalonzo said then that the person who will face President Ruto in the next election will have a walkover because Kenyans are already fed up with the Kenya Kwanza regime.
But instead of Kalonzo reading and taking cue from the positive gesture from the Odinga family, he went into a political slumber, left the coalition to disintegrate and has never visited Nyanza to seek their support.

Raila’s running mate, Martha Karua, was the first to walk out of the coalition and declared her intent to run for the presidency in the 2027 presidential contest.
Kalonzo later declared the coalition as dysfunctional and not a possible vehicle to be used in the next presidential race.
Kalonzo said they will not rebrand the Azimio coalition but rather form a new political outfit.

He said the coalition had become dysfunctional as members were pulling out and that he was reorganising his party.“Azimio is dysfunctional. We are consulting, but clearly we can’t go into the next election as Azimio. We are actively consulting and reorganising,” he said then.

Kalonzo instead entered into a political pact with the impeached Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who he expects to support his bid. For the last one month, Gachagua has been in the USA; Kalonzo has failed to tour the country while the latter’s party, DCP, has been holding rallies.

President Ruto took the opportunity to woo Raila into a broad-based government during the anti-Finance Bill demonstrations.
It is through Oburu that President Ruto lured Raila into the broad-based government, and currently, the President is gaining through the association by making inroads into the ODM leader’s vote basket.

Raila recently declared he will support President Ruto up to 2027 and after that they will have another consultation.
Before President Ruto unveiled the broad-based cabinet, Kalonzo said a section of the constituent parties, namely the Wiper Democratic Movement (WDM), Jubilee Party, DAP-Kenya Party, Party of National Unity (PNU), and Narc-Kenya, would not participate in nor support the Kenya Kwanza-led Broad-Based Government of National Unity.

“We shall not join for the straightforward reason that such actions are a betrayal of the ideology, values, and tenets of both our coalition party and our constituent parties. Should any of our members opt to join the proposed Kenya Kwanza-led Broad-Based Government of National Unity, we shall not be a party to that decision.”

But President Ruto has managed to snare into his fold Raila’s closest lieutenants led by Oburu, Mama Ida Odinga, Joe Ager, whom Ruto appointed to his council of economic advisors, Dr Adams Oloo, Eng Carey Orege, Jaoko Oburu, whom he appointed as adviser, economic empowerment and sustainable livelihoods.
Also in the fold are ODM national chairperson Gladys Wanga, Minority Leader in Parliament Junet Mohammed, MPs Opondo Kaluma, Dr Lilian Gogo, Rosa Buyu, among others.
The cabinet secretaries, John Mbadi, Opiyo Wandayi, Wycliffe Oparanya and Hassan Joho, and the permanent secretaries.
Raila has defended his decision to politically cooperate with Ruto, emphasising that post-election reconciliations are essential for national unity.

He stated that after elections, it is crucial for leaders to “shake hands” to foster peace and stability, underscoring his commitment to reconciliation regardless of electoral outcomes.

“We can compete very fiercely, but at the end of it all, people must shake hands and life must continue. That is how democracies are built,” said Raila.

Recently, when the ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna dismissed the memorandum of understanding, terming it as dead, Oburu, Wanga and Junet came out guns blazing.

Wanga said, “I am the national chairperson of ODM. Our leader is Raila, we know him and he has never lied to us. In March this year, we went to KICC and signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) for a broad-based government.
We are in a broad-based government and as the national chairperson, I want to say here, someone talking contrary to the party position is not talking on behalf of the party.
He will need to explain to the party who has sent him.”

Junet Mohammed said, “I am the Minority Leader in Parliament, we are in a broad-based government. We don’t want confusion. We want development from this government.
It is not time to make noise but to benefit from development. Party position on the MOU remains valid and that Central Committee is the organ that mandated for the MOU.
We agreed in the committee for the signing of the MOU. If you want the MOU dead, kindly bring it back to Central Committee so that we can deliberate and declare it is dead.
We will not allow it to die. We cannot allow someone to remove us from the broad-based government through unorthodox means. Where do you want us to go to? If you are tired, you are free to leave. At this moment, we are in broad-based government.”

While Ruto is busy endearing himself to Raila’s vote bloc, Kalonzo is yet to visit Nyanza and other regions where the former PM controls.
Kalonzo’s missed opportunities are turning out to be Ruto’s gains.

By Billy Mijungu

The Elections Act 2011 as applied today bars sitting Governors and Members of County Assembly MCAs from vying for any other elective seat unless they resign six months before a general election.

This legal mischief is not only discriminatory, it is unconstitutional and undemocratic.

While elected Members of Parliament MPs and Senators are allowed to seek other seats such as Governor or President without resigning, Governors and MCAs are punished for aspiring to higher office.

Both categories are elected. Both draw salaries from the public purse. Yet only one group is treated like a threat to free and fair elections. This is blatant legal hypocrisy.

It gets worse. The Elections Act classifies Governors and MCAs as public officers and forces them out of office for merely exercising a constitutional right. Appointed state officers including Principal Secretaries, Commissioners, and Directors are subjected to the same harsh rule. This approach kills ambition. It builds a political class at the expense of public talent.

Let us be clear. It is fair and reasonable that all public or state officers should be allowed to contest elective office without unnecessary resignation. We cannot build an inclusive competitive democracy if we treat political ambition like a crime.

The only public officers who should face restrictions such as mandatory leave are those who have Authority to Incur Expenditure AIE holders.

These are the individuals who control state budgets and procurement processes and they pose a real risk of undue influence over the electoral process. But even then, approved leave not forced resignation should suffice to level the playing field.
We must also confront the political reality.

Parliament will never fix this. Why would MPs amend a law that conveniently exempts them but punishes their political competition? Expecting Parliament to reform this provision is like expecting turkeys to vote for Christmas.

That is why the courts must step in.
The Judiciary must strike down this unconstitutional discrimination. Every Kenyan appointed or elected should have the right to run for public office without fear of losing their job. Either all must resign or none should. That is the only fair rule.

The current law violates Article 38 of the Constitution which guarantees the right of every citizen to participate in the political life of the country. That includes the right to contest elections freely and fairly without arbitrary legal obstacles.

If we truly want to attract the best minds, the most experienced civil servants, and the boldest reformers into political leadership, then we must stop punishing them for aspiring. We must stop creating artificial ceilings for Governors and MCAs while MPs enjoy unlimited political mobility.

It is time to end this selective injustice. It is time to allow Governors, MCAs, and all public servants to run for office without resigning, unless they control public funds. Then let them step aside briefly and return after the contest.

The Constitution demands fairness. The law must catch up.

By Billy Mijungu

In a bold move that underscores Washington’s growing unease with Kenya’s geopolitical entanglements, U.S. Senator Jim Risch has submitted an amendment seeking a full review of Kenya’s recently acquired Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) status. Granted on June 24, 2024, the designation was seen as a crowning moment in Kenya’s diplomatic relations with the United States, signaling elevated trust and a deeper strategic partnership. But politics in Washington, and across global capitals, is never linear.

Now, just months later, the U.S. Congress wants answers. The proposed review is not a symbolic act. It is a stern signal to Kenya, and to the wider world, that the U.S. is watching closely where Nairobi places its loyalties and how it manages its security, financial, and geopolitical engagements.

The amendment directs the Secretary of State, working in close coordination with the Defense Department, the Treasury, and the Intelligence Community, to undertake a comprehensive review of Kenya’s role in regional stability, its counterterrorism commitments, and, most critically, its evolving relationships with rival global powers namely China, Russia, and Iran.

This move could not have come at a more sensitive time. Kenya is actively positioning itself as a key player in Sub-Saharan Africa. It has deployed troops to Haiti as part of a United Nations peacekeeping mission and continues to serve as a counterterrorism partner in the fight against al-Shabaab. But behind the scenes, U.S. officials appear increasingly concerned that Kenya’s open-door approach to foreign partners may be compromising its Western alliances.

The amendment demands specifics. It calls for a breakdown of Kenya’s military and economic engagements with Beijing, Moscow, and Tehran. It seeks an exposé of the financial and political connections that key Kenyan political figures may have with these powers.

It even goes as far as investigating whether Kenya is being used as a safe haven for sanctioned entities and terror-linked networks operating from neighboring South Sudan, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda.

That this review is happening under the backdrop of a possible Trump administration return makes it more than a bureaucratic formality. It is a warning. Under Trump, American foreign policy may swing sharply towards a transactional lens. Alliances will be scrutinized based on reciprocity, loyalty, and alignment with U.S. strategic interests. Kenya may find itself forced to choose.

The clause also probes into the use of U.S. military assistance and intelligence sharing. Has Kenya used this support responsibly? Or has it fueled state-sponsored violence, torture, or renditions against civilians? The implications here are huge. If the U.S. determines that Kenya has misused its access to American resources or flirted too closely with adversaries, funding and cooperation could be cut or scaled back dramatically.

This review may also influence future aid decisions, security partnerships, and trade agreements. It puts Kenya’s foreign policy under a microscope and forces a national conversation on the direction of its global partnerships.

Kenya must take note. The designation as a Major Non-NATO Ally was not merely ceremonial. It came with the expectation of alignment with Western democratic values and interests. A swing towards economic expediency that includes embracing rival powers like China or turning a blind eye to sanctioned actors will not go unnoticed.

This review is both an opportunity and a challenge. Kenya can reaffirm its commitments to peace, transparency, and mutual strategic interests. But it must also brace for uncomfortable questions, increased scrutiny, and potential realignments in its foreign policy.

The world is watching. And in Washington, the tables may be turning.