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The Office of the Registrar of Political Parties Must Champion Competence in Political Party Governance

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Junior Secondary Schools

By Billy Mijungu

The dysfunction within Kenya’s political parties and its spillover effects on public service can no longer be ignored. Political parties are meant to be the breeding grounds for leadership, governance, and policy-making, yet they have devolved into chaotic entities often marred by incompetence and cronyism. The result is a public service riddled with politically appointed individuals who lack the skills or knowledge to fulfil their roles effectively, undermining the very essence of governance.

This problem can and must be addressed by introducing a mandatory Diploma in Political Party Administration, with the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP) tasked with ensuring its implementation. As the regulatory body overseeing political parties, the ORPP is best placed to enforce the professionalisation of party management and ensure that parties are run by competent, trained individuals.

The diploma, to be offered at the Kenya School of Government (KSG), would be tailored to equip political party officials with essential skills in governance, public administration, ethics, and policy-making. This would not only improve the internal functioning of political parties but also ensure that appointees to public office, drawn from these parties, have a basic understanding of governance. The ORPP should work closely with KSG and other stakeholders to design a comprehensive curriculum that reflects the unique challenges facing Kenya’s political system.

Political parties, as the primary vehicles for leadership development, have a direct impact on the quality of governance. “When unqualified individuals are placed in key public positions through political appointments, it disrupts the civil service and erodes public trust in government institutions,” a statement that highlights the urgent need for reform. This diploma would address this problem by professionalising political party management and ensuring that only trained individuals can hold official party positions.

The Office of the Registrar of Political Parties must take the lead in institutionalising this requirement. As the custodian of political party regulations, the ORPP should mandate that all political party officials, including chairpersons, secretaries-general, and treasurers, hold this diploma as a minimum qualification. “It should also monitor compliance and penalise parties that fail to meet this standard,” an action that would mark a significant step toward transforming political parties into credible institutions that contribute meaningfully to national development.

Moreover, the diploma program would instil a culture of accountability and integrity within political parties. “It would ensure that political party officials understand the distinction between party politics and public service, reducing the interference and politicisation that have plagued the civil service,” a move necessary to restore trust. By setting a high bar for competence and professionalism, the ORPP would help rebuild public confidence in political parties and the broader governance framework.

This proposal aligns perfectly with the ORPP’s mandate to promote the institutionalisation of political parties. By championing this initiative, the ORPP would cement its role as a key player in governance reform and capacity building. “The government must support this effort by providing the necessary resources and policy backing to make the diploma a reality.”

Kenya’s political and public service landscape stands at a crossroads. The introduction of a Diploma in Political Party Administration, championed by the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties, offers a clear path toward a more competent, accountable, and professional political system. “It is a reform whose time has come, and the ORPP must rise to the occasion to ensure its successful implementation.”

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Can Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi Lead Kenya to Fiscal Responsibility?

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Junior Secondary Schools

By Billy Mijungu

Kenya is at a crossroads, grappling with economic challenges that demand bold leadership and decisive action. As Treasury Secretary, John Mbadi holds the power—and the responsibility—to steer the country towards fiscal discipline. This calls for tackling the glaring inefficiencies and waste synonymous with government operations.

A prime example is the wastefulness of parastatals. Out of over 350 parastatals in operation, three-quarters rent office spaces at exorbitant costs. Meanwhile, prime government-owned buildings are leased out to private entities for a fraction of their value. This paradox is a glaring mismanagement of resources. “Why should taxpayers fund inflated rents while government property remains underutilised?” Mbadi must take the lead in directing parastatals to relocate to government-owned buildings or renegotiate their leases to save billions annually. This is not just about economics—it is about fiscal responsibility and fairness.

Another area ripe for reform is healthcare insurance within government agencies. Senior staff and board members of parastatals currently enjoy private medical insurance schemes paid for by the National Treasury. Yet Kenya already has a robust Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF), or Taifacare, designed to cater to public healthcare needs. “Why maintain parallel systems that only serve to drain public resources?” Mbadi should push for the retirement of all private medical insurance schemes for public officers. Consolidating these funds into SHIF would not only cut costs but also strengthen the national healthcare system, ensuring every Kenyan benefit from improved services.

The inefficiencies do not stop there. Government asset management, particularly in the disposal of movable assets, is a case study of wastefulness. Under the current bureaucratic policies, assets like vehicles and equipment often lose significant value while awaiting approval for disposal. This is a needless haemorrhaging of public funds. Mbadi must spearhead a reform of these policies, introducing an automated, streamlined system for asset acquisition and disposal. Such a move could save the government up to KES 100 billion annually—funds that could be redirected to critical development projects.

These reforms are not merely about cutting costs; they are about instilling a culture of fiscal and monetary responsibility in government. Mbadi’s role as Treasury Secretary places him at the helm of this mission. He must lead by example, demonstrating that fiscal discipline is not just a buzzword but a guiding principle.

To succeed, he will need the full support of the President and the courage to confront entrenched interests resistant to change. The waste in our government is not an accident—it is the product of a culture that prioritises personal gain over public good. Breaking this cycle will require bold action, and Mbadi must rise to the challenge.

Treasury Secretary John Mbadi has the opportunity to be remembered as the architect of Kenya’s financial turnaround. But he must act decisively—relocating parastatals to government buildings, consolidating healthcare funds under SHIF, and overhauling asset management policies. These changes could unlock billions in savings and redirect resources towards transforming lives.

The question now is whether Mbadi has the vision and resolve to make these reforms a reality. The solutions are clear, the benefits immense, and the stakes higher than ever. “It is time for action. Will Mbadi step up?”


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The battle of crowds as Kisumu responds to Muranga in Ruto-Rigathi tussle

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Kisumu vs Muranga

By Anderson Ojwang   

The Mountain erupted and exploded when the impeached Deputy President, Rigathi Gachagua, stormed Ihura Stadium in Muranga County at the weekend to a rousing welcome.

The villain became a hero as the mammoth crowd showered love on their new leader. It was an electrifying moment as the crowd and other leaders went wild. The smiling descendant of the Mau Mau movement walked stealthily to the podium to assume his new position with honour.

Murima (the Mountain) spoke loudly to President William Ruto: the marriage could be over, and Rigathi is our new leader. The crowd chanted, “Ruto must go!”

However, the rattled President didn’t take it lying down. He responded to the Mountain in style. On Tuesday, he landed in Kondele, the political barometer of Nyanza and the country—a region feared by politicians for its volatile and restive nature.

Successive leaders, including the founding President, the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, former Presidents the late Daniel Arap Moi, the late Mwai Kibaki, and Uhuru Kenyatta, as well as former Prime Minister Raila Odinga and President Ruto himself, have all borne the brunt of Kondele’s infamous temperament.

President Ruto, however, received a rousing welcome in Kondele, sending a candid message to Murima about his newfound political base. It was a battle royale of crowds—Ihura Stadium versus the famous Kondele, often likened to “Darfur” for its intensity. The Kondele crowd didn’t disappoint, responding with the song, “Yote yawezekana bila Murima” (All is possible without the Mountain).

The excited President charmed the Kisumu residents with promises of development projects and other goodies. He urged them to reject tribal politics and embrace unity.

“I stood here in Kondele and said that one day I helped Agwambo (Raila) during the 2007 presidential election when I supported his candidature. This time, he has returned the favour and helped me. Is there a problem with that?”

He continued: “I said we would unite Kenyans to be one. The people propagating the gospel of tribalism, hatred, and division—we will show them the road to go home. I ask you, the people of Kisumu, do you agree that we unite the country to be one? Do you agree that we stop tribalism, hatred, and division? Should those propagating division walk home? Do you want Raila and me to continue working together? Currently, I am supporting Raila’s candidature, and his campaign in West Africa has been very successful.”

Meanwhile, in Muranga, Rigathi Gachagua spoke passionately, claiming that Parliament had been captured and that few leaders dared to speak for the people. He called on the church to take up the space and advocate against the ills in society.

“We depend on the church. The level of impunity in this country is at an all-time high,” Rigathi said.

He alleged that his fallout with President Ruto stemmed from disagreements over issues such as the Adani deal.

“At the Cabinet, I was the only one who could tell the President the truth. Others were cowards. Ministers would ask me to speak on their behalf because they feared. I told the President that the Adani deal was shady, riddled with corruption, and was auctioning our country and its people. He didn’t like it and started claiming I was against government projects. Is corruption a government project?”

Rigathi continued: “I was charged in the Senate for disrespecting the President because I opposed government projects. I want to ask President Ruto to take time to read John 8:31, which says, ‘You will know the truth, and the truth will set you free.’ He should listen to the people of Kenya. It is sad that it took intervention from the USA for him to act. When I met avocado farmers in Muranga, I was summoned and accused of propagating tribalism. Where is my sin?”

Rigathi criticised his successor, Prof. Kithure Kindiki, saying, “The person who has been appointed to my position cannot talk or act. I was the only one in Cabinet who opposed the finance bill, but Kenyans shut me down.”

Former Nyakach MP Pollyns Ochieng Daima said the heroic reception for President Ruto in Kisumu was telling, suggesting he could rely on Nyanza to anchor his 2027 presidential bid.

“The mammoth and electrifying crowd in Kisumu was a response to Muranga—a score for President Ruto. Rigathi’s crowd was on home turf. We are happy with the turnout by our people, and it’s a sign of a maturing democracy,” he said.

However, political analyst Michael Agwanda argued that the Muranga crowd was organic and spontaneous, driven by rebellion, while the Kondele crowd may have been orchestrated.“Ruto is looking to Kisumu as a safety net for the 2027 presidential contest. However, he has to work extra hard to win over other regions. Crowds can be deceptive,” he said

Ps Omollo gifts widows in kibiri ward with assorted households

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PS Omollo

By reporter

More than 40 widows in Kibiri Ward, Karachuonyo Constituency, have received assorted household items to improve their living standards within the community.

The Office of the Interior and National Administration Principal Secretary, Raymond Omollo, donated cooking gas, mattresses, and food items to the women on Tuesday.

His representative in the area, Kennedy Ongati, said they decided to assist the women after realising that most of them lacked these items and were living in indecent conditions.

According to Ongati, many of the women and their families had been cooking with firewood, sleeping on ragged mats, and facing food shortages.

They were selected from three locations: Kanyipir, Koyugi, and Wadhgone Nyonge.

“The assessment undertaken by the office revealed that the families where widows hail from were seriously suffering. Priority was given to the most vulnerable people,” Ongati said.

Speaking after distributing the items at their homes in Kanyipir, Ongati said they have also listed the widows’ children and plan to pay school fees for those in secondary schools.

Principal Secretary Omollo is running an ongoing programme to build houses for selected vulnerable widows.

Beneficiaries are chosen based on their level of vulnerability.

More than 20 women across Nyanza have had houses built for them under the programme.

Ongati stated that the focus is on creating a conducive environment for less fortunate families.

“Everybody wants to live a good life. We’re providing such an environment to make them healthy for continued productivity,” he said.

Some of the beneficiaries, led by Valarie Otieno and Jamila Amayo, expressed confidence that the programme would improve their health and protect them from shame.

Otieno said they have been sleeping more comfortably now that they have better bedding.

“The small mat could not even accommodate all my seven children. Some of them used to sleep in neighbouring houses,” Otieno said.

Amayo said the programme would transform the lives of the beneficiaries. She noted that improved living conditions would prevent diseases associated with poor environments.

“Many families which have benefited will not contract eye diseases and pneumonia. The project will improve their lives,” Amayo said.

Kenya has had significant diplomatic milestones in its 60 years of diplomacy says Mudavadi

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Mudavadi Kenya foreign policy

By OPCS Press Service

26th November 2024, Nairobi

The Prime Cabinet Secretary has said that for six decades, Kenya has been at the forefront of diplomacy, advocating for mutual respect, dialogue, and unity on the global stage to benefit Kenyan citizens as it undertakes its role as a global citizen.

Speaking during the press briefing on 60 years of Kenya’s diplomatic journey, held at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs headquarters, Mudavadi noted that, over the years, the country has risen from a humble beginning—with just four embassies in 1963—to 68 missions spread across the world, championing the country’s interests.

“In its growth over the years, Kenya has emerged as a serious player in peace, participating in 43 peacekeeping and peace support missions, including to Yugoslavia, Cambodia, Iran, East Timor, Western Sahara, Sierra Leone, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, South Sudan, and Haiti. This demonstrates our commitment to regional and global stability,” said Mudavadi.

He explained that these missions comprise 29 in Africa, 16 in Asia/Middle East, 14 in Europe, five in the Americas, and one in Oceania. “This diplomatic footprint also includes our offices in the United Nations capitals of Nairobi, New York, Geneva, and Paris,” said the Prime Cabinet Secretary, who is also the Cabinet Secretary for Foreign and Diaspora Affairs.

Mudavadi said that Kenya looks ahead with confidence to the next 60 years of its diplomatic journey, anchored on the country’s new foreign policy, which has been subjected to extensive stakeholder engagement in the past few weeks.

He noted that, as one of the founding members of the Organisation of African Unity, now the African Union, Kenya continues to champion African unity, economic integration, and peace.

Mudavadi highlighted Kenya’s achievements, including being the only country in the Global South to host a United Nations office and being elected to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 2021 for a third term—justifying its capacity to shape global governance and advance Africa’s voice in multilateral diplomacy. “We do not take this for granted,” he added.

He also emphasised Kenya’s pivotal role as the global environment capital since 1972, when it hosted the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) global headquarters.

“Today, Nairobi is home to one of the largest UN duty stations, hosting approximately 20,000 staff operating under the umbrella of the United Nations Office in Nairobi. This population of UN staff is set to increase in 2025 as many staff relocate to Nairobi as part of the UN’s greater reform plans,” said Mudavadi.

The Prime Cabinet Secretary noted that the UN had significantly invested in the country. “As a nation, we will soon have a venue that can host a United Nations General Assembly—a transformative milestone for Kenya.”

“You will recall that Kenya hosted historic events such as the Third World Conference on Women (1985), the United Nations Environment Assembly (2021), and the inaugural Africa Climate Summit (2023). These and many others have solidified the country’s position as a global hub for diplomacy, international trade, and investment,” he said.

He announced that this December, the Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs will mark the 60th anniversary of Kenya’s diplomatic journey. “This will be a commemoration of Kenya’s enduring legacy in peacekeeping, regional leadership, and global diplomacy over these six decades. The celebrations will run from 27 November to 7 December 2024 and will feature a series of activities,” he said.

Outlining the events, he stated that the Ministry will hold its inaugural Open Day on 29 November 2024 at the Ministry Headquarters Car Park, inviting members of the public to learn more about the services offered.

Various conferences on diplomacy and foreign policy are planned for the following week, with President William Ruto, the “Diplomat Number One,” presiding over these events.

“There will also be exhibitions open to the public where various partners and organisations will showcase the services they have rendered to the country over the past 60 years. These exhibitions will be a great learning opportunity for those of us who believe that Kenya is not an island. I am sure there will be plenty of knowledge-sharing and excitement,” Mudavadi said.

Principal Secretary Korir Sing’Oei of the State Department for Foreign Affairs noted that the public events would offer an opportunity to understand the scope of diplomacy as practised by foreign service officers.

“They will also enable the public to appreciate the role citizens play in articulating the country’s foreign policy. Furthermore, these events will provide a great opportunity for interactions between citizens and the various practitioners of diplomacy,” said Sing’Oei.

The pain of Raila’s visit to a village for Wanga’s prayer to a university don

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damages

By Investigative Team

A university don bore the full brunt of the thanksgiving prayer for Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) National Chairperson Gladys Wanga at Ligisa Secondary School in Kochia, Homa Bay County.

Wanga, who is the Governor of Homa Bay County, hails from Kochia village, a few kilometres away from the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University don’s home.

Professor G.Z.O. Nyotumba claimed that the Homa Bay County Government decided to open a new route to be used by Raila Odinga and other guests during the thanksgiving prayers for Wanga after she was appointed the party chairperson.

In a message shared in the Lake Land Development WhatsApp group, Nyotumba lamented and described the action by the governor and her administration as cruel and inhuman. “This is the damage that was done to my land in Kochia by Gladys Wanga in an operation personally supervised by Bernard Nyobange and a surveyor called Byron from Homa Bay County Government”. They said they were clearing the way for Raila to attend Gladys’ homecoming at Ligisa School.

The land was ringed by a 10-foot 6mm angle line pillared fence with heavy-duty chain link reinforced with barbed wire. While for most of the stretch from the junction of Nyagoro Chief’s Camp/Owili Ongei Homestead, the 6-metre provision was maintained, when her bulldozers and graders reached my parcel, they left neighbours’ fences intact and moved it to my fence 11 metres,”** Nyotumba alleged.

Attempts to contact Governor Wanga and the County Chief Officer for Public Communication, Ms Atieno Otieno, bore no fruit, as they did not respond to texts or phone calls. Similarly, we were unable to obtain a comment from Nyobange, as he did not reply to our texts.

Members of the WhatsApp platform expressed disappointment, with some claiming the issue could stem from long-standing differences between the parties involved, requiring a quick solution to prevent further escalation.

Others urged the don to seek legal redress for damages and compensation. “I don’t think we should be spectators. The best advice you should give him is to report the matter to the police. I am glad that he has documented the violations. Any civilised community should not tolerate such inhumanity,” wrote Onyango Odak, a diaspora-based Kenyan in the United States of America.

Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga has said she made the changes in the executive and the assembly to prevent infighting in her government.

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Gladys Wanga

By Reporter

Wanga appointed the immediate former County Executive Committee (CEC) member for Trade, Tourism, Industry, Cooperative Development and Marketing, Mr Polycarp Okombo, to the post of Speaker of the Assembly.

She then nominated the immediate former Speaker, Julius Gaya, who resigned to create space, to the CEC post that Okombo previously occupied.

Gaya was forced to resign after 53 members of the County Assembly had appended their signatures to impeach him.

Wanga, who spoke in Homa Bay, said, “The government is one, and the changes were good for the county. Gaya, who is a strong party member, will now join me at the executive.”

Residents have expressed concern about whether the assembly will be able to execute its mandate of overseeing the executive, now that the Governor has effectively muzzled it.

They worry that the assembly could become a rubber-stamping institution with no teeth to bite or power to police the executive.

Wanga has already forwarded the list of nominees to the assembly, which will vet them.

With Wanga’s declaration of the changes, it appears it will just be a formality before Gaya is sworn in as CEC.

Okombo won the Speaker seat with a majority, beating his three opponents. Both Okombo and Gaya hail from the Central Ward in the Karachuonyo constituency.

The Speaker position had initially attracted 13 applicants; however, only four were shortlisted for the final exercise. The four were shortlisted after returning their nomination application forms on time.

Gaya succeeded the former Speaker, Elizabeth See, who was elected as Speaker after defeating her arch-rival, the former Gwassi North MCA, Evance Marieba, garnering 40 votes out of a possible 54.

WHAT EXACTLY DO KENYANS WANT RAILA TO DO?

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Raila Odinga

Raila Odinga’s name is synonymous with the fight for liberation, and several failed stabs at the presidency. For these, and many more reasons, the second-born son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, independent Kenya’s first Vice President, is loved and hated in equal measure. It was the late Vice President, Wamalwa Kijana, who once said that those who hated Raila did so with passion. Likewise, those who loved Raila were prepared to die for him. So, Raila is, indeed, an enigma. Raila’s public life is akin to the proverbial elephant that was experienced by six blind men. Each of the men attempted to describe the elephant depending on the parts of the gigantic animal that they touched. At the end of the day, none of the blind men had a holistic impression of the entire elephant. In Kenya’s political context, Raila Amolo Odinga is that elephant. The former Prime Minister has captured the imagination of Kenyans for several decades, yet nobody seems to truly capture the holistic nature of this enigma. First, Kenyans across the length and breadth of the country love to have him around. They truly cherish listening to him. But, for some strange reason, the very people who view him as their saviour from the excesses of the executive, do not want to make him their President. On several occasions, he has lost the presidency with a whisker. Pundits opine that there have been instances when his win was grabbed from him by the barrel of the gun. The most obvious one was the 2007 presidential poll which insiders intimate President Kibaki lost by a sizable margin. Most Kenyans too agreed that Raila won that election, especially when they realized that the results that were announced at the national tallying centre in Nairobi in favour of President Kibaki were significantly higher than the actual votes at the polling stations where they voted. For that reason, Kenyans from across the country voluntarily went to the streets to demand electoral justice. The rest is now history.

Let us take a look at the sacrifices that Raila has made on behalf of Kenyans, and how the same people have paid him back. In the late 1980s up till the early 1990s, the maverick Raila, together with a group of “Young Turks”, including James Orengo, Paul Muite, Gitobu Imanyara, Joe Ager, Mukhisa Kituyi, Kiraitu Murungi, and others, fervently opposed President Daniel Moi’s increasingly draconian KANU regime. Moi responded by jailing and detaining the critics without trial. Raila endured nine years of detention without trial and a long period of self-imposed exile in Europe. Back home, his wife, Idda, was sacked from her post as a high school teacher at the Kenya High School. Raila’s efforts bore fruits when in December 1991, President Moi acceded to the repeal of Section 2A of the constitution, thus ushering in a new constitutional dispensation that allowed for multiparty democracy and expanded political space. Many leaders who could not dare stand up to Moi’s repressive regime now had a field day, creating political parties left, right and centre, courtesy of Raila’s sacrifices. Raila’s struggles for a better Kenya never ended despite harassment from security agencies, thus making him the symbol of Kenya’s “Second Liberation.” In 2002, Raila suspended his political ambition and put his weight behind Mwai Kibaki’s presidential bid. Matters got thicker for Raila when Kibaki was involved in a near-fatal road accident on his way from a political event in Machakos. The presidential candidate was flown to the United Kingdom for specialized treatment. As the most charismatic politician with a national appeal then, Raila took the mantle of coordinating Mwai Kibaki’s presidential campaigns while the candidate recuperated in London. Raila electrified the campaign trails, leaving in his wake exuberant voters who were rearing to go. When the polling day came, Mwai Kibaki romped home with a clear win over his closest rival, Uhuru Kenyatta. Yet, when President Kibaki invited Raila to serve as the Vice President, he turned it down, instead giving way to Wamalwa Kijana. This act of selflessness confirmed that Raila was not in the struggle for personal gains, but rather to liberate Kenyans from the yoke of the KANU dictatorship. Raila holds the record of the person who has made the highest number of unsuccessful stabs at the presidency (1997, 2007, 2013, 2017 and 2022). Asked why he continues to gun for the presidency despite the unfortunate results, Raila insists that his commitment is to see a better, freer and more democratic Kenya where citizens are protected by constitutional safeguards. That summarizes his commitment to better governance that culminated in a new constitutional dispensation in 2010. In the August 2022 presidential poll, Raila lost narrowly to his rival, President William Ruto. Pundits agree that it was the Mount Kenya region that tilted the vote in favour of President Ruto. It is now emerging that the excitement that the region’s voters manifested towards Ruto was not so much because they loved him, but rather due to their disdain of Raila. Opinion is still divided as to whether Ruto would have received the same number of votes from the Mount Kenya region had Raila not been in the presidential ballot. That is now water under the bridge. The recent impeachment of the Deputy President, Rigathi Gachagua, brought to the fore the fluidity of the relationship between the region and President Ruto. It is now clear that the people of Mount Kenya supported President Ruto only on the condition that their own son, Rigathi Gachagua, would eventually succeed him as the head of state. This confirms the earlier speculation that the region did not love President Ruto as much as they relished the possibility of regaining the presidency that they have so far held for a whopping thirty-five years since Kenya’s independence in 1963. The region therefore, made a conscious decision to vote for William Ruto to punish Raila whom they believed would not be malleable for their long-term political strategy. The region made it publicly known that they hated Raila, and would not vote for him whatever the circumstances. But now that Rigathi Gachagua has been impeached, and the region’s hopes of clinching the presidency through him have dissipated, President Ruto has become an object of hate within the region. The intention is to isolate the President so that he becomes vulnerable to the forces that intend to remove him from the presidency. There has been behind-the-scenes lobbying to sway Raila to support the isolation of President Ruto from the rest of Kenyans. Once it became apparent that Raila was not keen on that scheme, he too became a target of unwarranted attacks and slander. Following Raila’s public declaration that he was on the side of President Ruto in the matter of Gen-Z uprisings, the Mount Kenya region felt embarrassed and jilted by the man they hoped to misuse as a doormat to help them launder their political mess. It is very difficult to be a Raila. People hate you with passion, but when their hatred backfires, they try to blame you for it! It is immoral to publicly demonstrate hatred towards a person, yet still expect him to support your selfish political moves. When in 2003, Raila mobilized his supporters to demonstrate against the high cost of living, the Mount Kenya region blackmailed him for using goons to destroy their businesses. After listening to the feedback from Kenyans, Raila called off the demonstrations and instead opted for negotiations with the government. In June this year, the Gen-Zs poured onto the streets of Nairobi and other major cities and towns to demonstrate against the very things that Raila’s supporters had been complaining about. The Gen-Zs and their backers must have expected Raila to support their course. Raila had other ideas. The opposition leader was very categorical that Kenyans had asked for broad-based negotiations rather than violent street demonstrations. He, therefore, flatly rejected the Gen-Zs’ demand for President Ruto and his government to vacate office. Suddenly, the Mount Kenya region turned their heat on Raila for being a traitor. 

Raila has recently joined the race for the African Union Commission (AUC) Chairman which falls vacant when the current office holder, Moussa Faki, retires in February 2025. Again, some Kenyans are all over the place claiming that Raila is not qualified for that position. The said naysayers have been sponsoring propaganda to malign Raila’s integrity throughout the continent. They started by falsely claiming that Raila did not hold any recognized academic qualifications. But the moment Otton Von Guerricke Universitat, Raila’s German Alma Mater, confirmed that he was a bona fide holder of a Dipl-Ing (Master of Science) in Mechanical Engineering, the story shifted to politics. The story that is now going around is that Raila is still too deeply involved in Kenya’s local politics, and should, therefore, not be entrusted with a continental position. Ordinarily in global politics and diplomacy, once a country supports its candidate for a regional or international position, all the citizens should support him or her. Kenya has broken this cardinal diplomatic practice by parading its dirty linen in the continental arena. 

For several decades, Raila has been the to-go-to “Mr Fix It” for all Kenya’s political problems. Yet, Kenyans do not want to make him their President so that he can gain executive powers to fix the issues from the top. Whenever he takes up his role as the opposition leader, the same Kenyans claim that he is disturbing their peace. Whenever he steps aside to let Kenyans manage their affairs without his interference, the same Kenyans claim that Raila has abandoned them. The question is: what exactly do Kenyans want Raila to do?

Copyright ©️ Vincent Ongore 2024

MOI UNIVERSITY TRIBULATIONS ARE A REFLECTION OF A FLAWED GOVERNMENT POLICY ON APPOINTMENTS TO STATE CORPORATIONS

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Professor_Vincent_Okoth_OngorePhD__MBA__BA_Econ_Business

Vincent Ongore

Moi University was launched in 1984 with pomp and high expectations as the second university in Kenya. Until then, Kenya had only one university, the University of Nairobi. As the country’s population grew exponentially, there was a need to expand opportunities for university education to accommodate the thousands of students leaving high school every year. Another milestone at the time was the transformation of Kenya’s education landscape from the 7-4-2-3 (A-Level) system, inherited from the British colonial regime, to the 8-4-4 curriculum, which was billed as being more practical-oriented and relevant to the specific needs of a young society like Kenya.

It was envisaged that the 8-4-4 system of education, besides conferring employable skills on learners, would facilitate more students joining university than the 7-4-2-3 system, which took longer to release learners to college. Besides, the world was beginning to wake up to the realities of climate change and its effects on the environment and livelihoods. Countries were, therefore, in a rat race to create technical capacity in the areas of environment, forestry and climatology, to try to mitigate the negative consequences of this new phenomenon. The creation of a science-based university was, therefore, not only critical but urgent.

President Moi appointed Professor Douglas Odhiambo, a reputable scientist and scholar, to lead a committee formed to consider the viability of a second university to not only offload pressure from the University of Nairobi but also provide new thinking and research required to reverse the climate calamity that had been so accurately identified. The Professor Odhiambo-led committee proposed the creation of Moi University to offer courses in forestry, environment and natural sciences. The university admitted its first cohort of undergraduate students in 1985.

Moi University, therefore, holds a very special place in the country’s efforts to utilise scientific research in the fight against the adverse effects of climate change. It is an institution that has, for many years, captured the hearts and minds of the Kenyan scientific community and citizens. The role of Moi University, as originally constituted, would have been more pronounced at this time when Kenya is at the forefront of marshalling global efforts to curtail global warming and other consequences of irresponsible actions on the environment.

It is a painful twist of fate that, at this critical juncture when Kenya and Africa direly need local institutions to provide home-grown solutions to climate adversities, Moi University is collapsing due to mismanagement and lack of foresight! When the university was presented with an opportunity to sustain its growth trajectory that had been the hallmark of previous administrations, it opened its gates to local politicians and community leaders to mess it up. Typically, politicians are only interested in their survival, and if meddling in the affairs of a local institution can ensure their re-election, so be it. They will do it over and over again as long as the voters approve of their actions, however dastardly.

In any case, most of the leaders who mobilised their constituents to storm Moi University had hardly benefitted from university education beyond the undergraduate level. So, they did not quite understand how universities operated. All the same, they went in with impunity and gusto, and their only objective was to stop Professor Laban Ayiro from taking over as a substantive Vice-Chancellor of Moi University. They succeeded in doing exactly what they intended, and the result is the shell that Moi University has turned out to be—a pale shadow of its former robust self.

The eyesore that Moi University has become is the clearest indication yet of why meritocracy must never be sacrificed at the altar of ethnicity. In Professor Laban Ayiro, the interviewers only saw a man of Luhya extraction but deliberately overlooked his time-tested managerial adeptness that had steadied the Moi University ship during the period he had served as the Vice-Chancellor in an acting capacity.

Today, we are back to the drawing board, saddled with the aftermath of irrational decisions by politicians, community leaders and their sidekicks. The interviewers deliberately underscored the best candidate and propped up a managerial midget who has now proven beyond any reasonable doubt to be grossly incompetent, and that his appointment was a mistake in the first place. Many public universities in Kenya are struggling for various reasons, including managerial ineptitude, corruption, lack of innovation and poor capitation. For Moi University, it is well known where the rain started beating it.

Meanwhile, the stone that Moi University builders rejected has become the cornerstone of Daystar University. The Ngong Road-based institution has consistently recorded stellar performances ever since the arrival of Professor Ayiro, bringing to mind the old adage that if wishes were horses, everyone (including Moi University) would ride one. Unfortunately for the gatekeepers at the Eldoret-based university, they can only cry and lament over the spilt “mursik”, a form of fermented milk, which is a delicacy in the region.

I now agree with my lower primary school teacher of English who never missed an opportunity to remind us that “experience is the best teacher.” I am sure the ethnic bigots of Moi University are now better taught through experience. Where they thought the family name was all that mattered, it now turns out that effective management of an institution of the stature of Moi University requires a lot more. I believe it is a lesson that is now firmly riveted in the minds of ethnic lords who have no qualms about extending their imaginary authority into public institutions.

This sort of spectacle, where communities develop a sense of entitlement to the management of government institutions domiciled in their regions, has a not-very-pleasant history to it. First, a lot of government institutions in Kenya, including universities, have been created out of political expediency. Community leaders would typically visit the State House, the seat of power, and request the President to give them a university so that “our people can also access education and become learned like the other communities.” The President would then say “I have listened to your request for a university; the government will look into the matter with a view to establishing one in your region once the community donates land.”

Such interactions were very common during the Moi era. So, it was actually the government that created an impression that institutions were established expressly to benefit the local communities. With such a signal coming from the highest office in the land, it was very difficult to disabuse the local communities of the notion and belief that such institutions belonged to them and that they had every right to decide on and control their leadership, management and operations. Examples abound of universities that were created out of such ethnic considerations. Pwani University, Masinde Muliro University, Kisii University, Chuka University, and Taita Taveta University, among others, are typical examples that easily come to mind. The manner of their establishment conferred a sense of ethnic entitlement ab initio.

Besides the universities, many other institutions have also carried similar baggage. The regional development authorities, such as the Lake Basin Development Authority, Kand erio Valley Development Authority, among others, have a strong sense of ethnic identity. The Kenya Ports Authority is another example of a state corporation that has, over the years, struggled in vain to shed off its tag of a coastal Kenya outfit.

The government has not made things any better for these institutions by its tradition of preferring locals for appointment to leadership positions in the organisations. It will be remembered that the coastal communities once presented a petition to President Moi to appoint one of their own as a Managing Director of Kenya Ports Authority (KPA). Being the populist politician that he was, the President acceded to the request and ensured that at any one time during his reign, there was always a local at KPA either as the Chairman of the Board of Directors or Managing Director. Similarly, President Moi established a tradition of ensuring that, at any one point, the Chairpersons of the Board of Directors or Managing Directors of the regional authorities were locals.

This tradition has endured to date. Although such a move may temporarily pacify the local communities and help the leadership achieve its short-term political objectives, it has its serious flaws in the long run. First, it creates a false sense of ownership of state corporations by locals, and consequent resentment towards “outsiders” who are appointed to leadership positions. The extreme manifestation of this entitlement occurs whenever locals eject unwanted “foreigners” from leadership positions, either overtly or through any other pretext, as was the case with Moi University. This often happens with the connivance of the government, which chooses to either look away or encourage it through local politicians who act with abundant impunity.

The example of Moi University should suffice here, where, in the words of Professor Ayiro, he “scored at 44 per cent in management despite the fact that he had stewarded the institution to unprecedented performance as its acting Vice-Chancellor for more than one year.” The preferred local candidate scored at 97 percent on the same parameter, despite the lack of evidence of his previous exposure in a similar role!

Second, the institutions are denied the best available talents that could spur them to higher levels of achievement and growth. Whenever “foreigners” are employed against all odds, they do not receive the requisite support to help them excel in their work. Consequently, such unwanted managers are set up to fail in order to lend credence to the twisted argument that they do not understand the key contextual factors that drive performance in such institutions.

It is no wonder, therefore, that most state corporations routinely deliver sub-optimal returns to Kenyans who are the key stakeholders in them. The state corporations in Kenya were created to provide public services in highly specialised sectors that were considered too sensitive to be entrusted to private entrepreneurs with profit motives. The overriding objective was, therefore, to ensure enhanced citizen welfare through the provision of high-quality services at reasonable prices. With the government’s penchant for appointing and deploying people with inept managerial capacity to run state corporations, this noble objective of high-quality service delivery to citizens is grossly undermined.

To reverse the free fall of state corporations, the government needs to take a keen look at its policy on appointments to these institutions and also create the necessary conducive environment to facilitate superior performance. Appointments to state corporations should be done in an open, transparent and competitive manner. Besides, a robust framework for community engagement should be developed to create harmony between the institutions and their external environment. There is no room in the modern world for beating drums of war and invoking ethnic nationalism in the appointment of corporate leaders. Anybody who is still in doubt is advised to use the example of Moi University as a contemporary case study on how not to appoint leaders for state corporations.

Professor Ongore teaches at the Technical University of Kenya

vincent.ongore@tukenya.ac.ke

PETER CASTRO OLOO ARINGO; THE KENYAN PATRIOT WHO WAS MOST MISUNDERSTOOD

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Peter Castroo Aringo Oloo

Vincent Ongore

Time flies. One moment, you are vibrant and full of energy; the next, you are but a shadow of your former self—and then, you are gone. It feels like only yesterday, in August 1990, during our graduation ceremony, that Oloo Aringo, then the Cabinet Minister for Education, left us in stitches with his linguistic flamboyance.

The occasion was a pivotal moment for the 8-4-4 education system, which was in its advanced stages of implementation. President Daniel Arap Moi, the chief guest and “Teacher Number One,” as Aringo referred to him, basked in the glory of his envisioned educational reforms. With his characteristic “Nyayo Rungu” in hand and polished shoes tapping on the red carpet, Moi beamed as Aringo eloquently expounded on the benefits of the 8-4-4 system.

“Your Excellency, sir, your presence amidst us today at this graduation ceremony is a clear manifestation of the love you have for the youth of this nation and your dedication to the 8-4-4 system of education, which is purely your brainchild,” Aringo declared with poetic charm, drawing applause from the audience.

Aringo was a wordsmith and a visionary, known for his unwavering commitment to any cause he championed. Whether in legislative debates, party duties, or mobilising his constituents, his focus was unmatched. Yet, despite his many accomplishments, he often found himself misunderstood, particularly during his tenure in the Kenya African National Union (KANU).

Sadly, the curtains have fallen on Peter Castro Oloo Aringo. At 83, he passed away at Aga Khan University Hospital in Nairobi while undergoing treatment. As his body rests in a cold room, awaiting burial at his Kakan home in Alego Usonga, Siaya County, Kenya mourns one of its most illustrious sons.

Aringo’s legacy, however, is complex. He served as the KANU National Chairman during the height of the party’s dominance when Kenya was a de jure one-party state. This was a time when political dissent was crushed, and loyalty to President Moi was a prerequisite for survival in public life.

Aringo’s role as KANU Chairman at a time of widespread agitation for multiparty democracy made him a target of criticism. Some unfairly labelled him as complicit in KANU’s authoritarianism, associating him with Moi’s regime. However, as history reveals, the real architects of that era’s most oppressive policies operated within Moi’s inner circle, a group Aringo was not part of.

Indeed, Aringo was much more than a party loyalist. His contributions to Kenya’s education and legislative landscape were monumental. As Minister for Education, he oversaw the rollout of the 8-4-4 system and championed the establishment of institutions such as Moi University, Kenyatta University, Egerton University, and Maseno University. He also spearheaded the creation of technical institutes in all eight provinces, laying the groundwork for what is now an integral part of Kenya’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) sector.

In the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Aringo promoted the use of vernacular languages on national radio and television, fostering community-level development discussions. As Environment Minister, he established the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA), a cornerstone of Kenya’s environmental policy.

Aringo’s legislative achievements were equally impactful. He introduced bills to create the Parliamentary Service Commission and the Parliamentary Budget Office, empowering the Legislature to operate independently of the Executive. His Affirmative Action Motion advanced constitutional safeguards against presidential overreach, including provisions for impeachment in cases of gross misconduct.

Aringo’s courage extended beyond policy. After the assassination of Foreign Minister Robert Ouko, Aringo was the only Cabinet member to publicly question the government’s role. This act of defiance led to his eventual resignation from the Cabinet and marked him as a man unafraid to stand by his principles.

Upon retiring from politics, Aringo continued to contribute as a consultant on parliamentary processes across Africa. His passion for empowering citizens through constitutional reforms remained undimmed, reflecting his lifelong dedication to public service.

Aringo’s dalliance with KANU and Moi was a matter of circumstance, not ideology, and should not overshadow his immense contributions to Kenya’s development. His legacy as an educator, legislator, and reformer will endure long after his passing.

Peter Castro Oloo Aringo leaves behind two widows, several children, and an indelible mark on Kenya’s history.

Go thee well, Peter Castro Oloo Aringo.

Professor Ongore teaches at the Technical University of Kenya
vincent.ongore@tukenya.ac.ke