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Put Legislation in Place to Safeguard Protesters – Mwaura

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By Habil Onyango

Government Spokesman Dr Isaac Mwaura has urged Parliament to establish legislation that protects the right to protest.

He proposed that designated public spaces be allocated for such activities, allowing other Kenyans to carry on with their daily lives without interference.

In recent weeks, demonstrations in various parts of the country have led to the destruction of property and injuries, with some individuals sustaining gunshot wounds from the police and currently receiving treatment in hospitals.

“Parliament is encouraged to implement enabling legislation that safeguards the right to peaceful picketing by designating public spaces for these activities, while ensuring that other citizens can conduct their lawful business without obstruction,” stated Mwaura.

“This is how a mature democracy balances rights with responsibilities,” he added in a press release.

In light of recent confrontations between police and the public, Mwaura called for sobriety, calm, and restraint.
“We are a nation guided by the Constitution, which provides for the right to peaceful assembly and expression—rights that must be exercised responsibly,” he emphasised.

Mwaura expressed concern over an incident involving a police officer allegedly shooting a civilian, who is now recovering in hospital. He stated that such actions are unacceptable, and the Government is committed to conducting thorough investigations through the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA).

“Justice must be served, and accountability will be pursued according to the law,” he said.

He also noted troubling instances where some individuals engaged in unlawful behaviour by provoking police officers, insulting them, damaging property, and disrupting businesses.

“These actions do not reflect the spirit of genuine protest; they only serve to inflame tensions and endanger the lives of both civilians and police officers,” he warned.

“We must be clear: violence from any side is unacceptable. Our democracy permits dissent, but not disorder or disobedience. We must resist the temptation to respond to wrongs with further wrongs,” Mwaura added.

He urged all citizens to remain calm and allow relevant institutions, such as IPOA, the judiciary, and Parliament, to conduct their investigations independently and impartially.

The Government also called on political, civil society, and community leaders to promote peace, understanding, and open dialogue.

The Government further cautioned against political detractors who might exploit the situation for incitement or political gain.

“At such times, settling political scores at the expense of public peace is irresponsible and dangerous. True leadership demands responsibility and commitment to God and country,” he said.

“Let us protect the hard-won gains of our republic. Let us rise above division and recommit to the values that unite us as one nation under God, in the true spirit of nationhood and patriotism,” Mwaura advised.

Edited by Sandra Blessing

Is KBC Managing Director in office illegally and is the Board in contempt of Court over the appointment?

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By Anderson Ojwang     

Trouble could be brewing at the Country’s national broadcasting, Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) after it emerged that the Managing Director could have been in office illegally and the Board may disregard the Court, and the Board may be in contempt of the Court.

In June 2024, in a ruling by Nakuru High Court Judge Justice Muhochi Samwel Mukira  gave a conservatory order which barred Chief Executive Officers and Managing Directors listed in the petition from assuming office until the case was finalized.

KBC Managing Director Agnes Kelekye Nguna was one of those listed in the petition but in November 2024, the Board of Directors appointed her to the post in total disregard to the ruling.

Similarly, the Board approved five months payments for her delayed assumption of office, which is yet to be affected after Audit queries were raised on the issue.

And now the appointment has raised both the audit and legal queries at the Corporation, with the Board, members reading from a different script over the matter.

Interestingly, the appeal against the conservatory order issued by the Nakuru High Court has also been dismissed by the Appeal Court in a ruling delivered on 23rd May 2025 by Judges Justice M Gachoka,,  Justice W. Korir and Justice J. Mativo.

“There is no doubt that the high court had the requisite jurisdiction to issue the conservatory orders.

It has not demonstrated to  to our satisfaction how the learned judges exercised his  his discretion or misdirected himself in law.

We find that the appellants and the respondents in support of the appeals did not demonstrate how the learned judge in exercise of his misapprehended the facts.

The appellants failed to demonstrate that the learned judge took into account irrelevant matters or failed to take account of relevant considerations.

Lastly, it was not demonstrated that the learned judge’s exercise of his discretion, is plainly wrong.

Having arrived at the above findings, the inevitable conclusion is that these consolidated appeals are devoid of merit and are hereby dismissed since this is a matter of public interest, the parties will bear their own costs,” they ruled.

In one of the recent Internal Communication to the Managing Director, the status of her position and the emerging legal issues.

In the communication seen by the writer read in parts “Compensation for the managing director due to delayed assumption of office.

While approved by the Board, it has emerged that critical legal and procedural facts were not fully disclosed, including:

The appointment of KBC MD among others, was contested in court of law, hence the MD’S reporting was delayed by slightly over 5 months.

Can the legal department advise whether there was a ruling clearing the KBCMD to assume office in November 2024.

Further to the above, can the legal department advice on the implication of the court of appeal ruling on the MD’S position in the Corporation.

There was an acting Md who was being paid on the same position.

It is not clear on which basis the Board recommended a one of gross emoluments budget based on the current renumeration of the KBCMD.

Given these legal complexities, I recommend that this matter be deferred pending a formal legal opinion from the legal department, supported by precedents from Public Service Commission and, if needed, the Attorney General office,” it read in parts.

The MD when contacted for comment referred us to the Attorney General office.

“Refer this to the AG’’s office who is representing KBC in this suit” she wrote.

But interestingly, a letter by a law firm of Nyameta, Mogaka and Magiya Company advocates addressed to the Managing Director, Kenya Broadcasting Corporation captioned: Re Brief on court of appeal matters.

“The judgement on the above matter was delivered 23rd May 2025.

The court dismissed the appeals without costs since it is a public interest matter.

This means that we have to go back to the high court and take directions of the court however, as you may recall, the matter was pending judgement before the high court and therefore it’s likely that once the mention date is fixed the court will fix a new date for judgement,” it read in parts.

From the above, the emerging issues is that did the board act in defiance of the court and was in total contempt to appoint the Managing Director?

Has the Managing Director been in the office illegally and if so, why did the board disregard or fail to seek legal opinion from the legal department and the attorney general office?

Why did the Board approve payment for delayed assumption of office when the court had given a conservatory order and who failed to disclose the true status of the MD position and why?

EDITED BY: HOPE BARBRA

Mr President Act Fast During Crisis to Lower Temperatures, Your Response time is worrying.

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Junior Secondary Schools

By Billy Mijungu

President Ruto, you have proven to be a leader with bold ideas, global appeal, and a firm grasp on Kenya’s economic direction. Your administration has made fast decisions on trade, taxation, international relations, and restructuring government functions. However, there is a troubling contrast when crises emerge. When moments of national grief or anger arrive, you appear stretched thin. Decisions take too long. Actions come too late. And when they do come, they feel insufficient or symbolic.

We saw this during the Generation Z protests in 2024. Young people rose up against the Finance Bill which they believed unfairly targeted the poor and overburdened the working class. The digital rebellion quickly morphed into physical protests across the country. The day Parliament was stormed, dozens were injured and at least twenty people lost their lives. Yet it took days before you decisively recalled the Finance Bill. Even then, your Cabinet reshuffle that followed retained many of the same old faces. The replacements felt too familiar to bring real change.

In those moments, your supporters waited for bold moves. They expected heads to roll and firm statements to be made. But what came instead was slow and calculated. In a country where political memories are short, emotional reactions are not. The street demands swift, firm leadership when people die or when state agents are implicated in wrongdoing.

Now we face another moment. The recent death of a young teacher and blogger, Albert Ojwang, in police custody has reopened wounds. His arrest in Homa Bay and subsequent transfer to Nairobi’s Central Police Station ended in his lifeless body being returned to his family. The police initially offered a vague explanation. They claimed he hit himself against the wall. But a second postmortem indicated blunt force trauma, neck compression, and signs of violent assault.

This has triggered anger across the country. Even your own support base is agitated. The very people who defended your policies now march against the government. They chant Albert’s name and demand justice. They do so not because you were in the cell that night but because they believe your government delayed action. You did eventually speak. You admitted Albert died at the hands of police. The Deputy Inspector General stepped aside. Investigations were ordered. A technician and senior officer were arrested. But again, it all came after the rage had spilled onto the streets.
Contrast that with how you handled the tragic killing of a Member of Parliament from Nyanza. That investigation was launched quickly. Statements were issued within hours. The region felt acknowledged and respected. That is the kind of urgency Kenyans expect during moments of grief and public outcry.

Mr President, every hour of hesitation after such incidents damages your image. People begin to doubt your willingness to protect them from abuse. They question if justice only works when it is politically convenient. Even when you are not the main offender, when you do not act fast, you are seen as part of the problem. That is the burden of leadership.

You still command influence and have the goodwill of many. But in moments like this, you must not waste time on bureaucracy or wait for anger to build. You must strike hard and fast against impunity. Failing to do so creates space for rebellion, disorder, and disillusionment.

Acting fast does not mean being reckless. It means being firm. It means showing the public that injustice will not be tolerated, not for a day, not even for an hour. The people need to see that you are not just a global statesman, but a homegrown leader who can bring justice where it hurts most.
Time is not on your side in moments of crisis. The longer you wait, the harder it becomes to restore confidence. The next time the nation grieves, let your leadership speak through action, not delay. That is the only way to keep temperatures low and the country united.

Follow the unfolding narrative on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok, and LinkedIn @BillyMijungu

Forward #TusongeMbele

From Ksh. 553.74 Milliocn to Ksh. 1.04 Billion: How Cashless Revenue Collection Has Boosted Homa Bay’s Own Source Revenue

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By Habil Onyango

Upon taking office in 2022, Homa Bay County Governor Gladys Wanga implemented a cashless revenue collection system, prohibiting traditional cash transactions.

This initiative aimed to enhance revenue collection, improve accountability, and curb tax-related corruption in the region, fulfilling a promise to streamline revenue mapping, collection, and management as one of her top priorities.

The cashless plan was part of Governor Wanga’s objectives during her first 100 days in office, following the establishment of a Revenue Board and a fact-finding exercise conducted by a task force on revenue.

“Through the Cashless Plan, I am optimistic that we will achieve our target of collecting 1 billion shillings or more every year,” Wanga stated during the programme’s launch.

As promised, the new system has put the county on track to meet its annual collection target of Ksh. 1 billion, making this goal increasingly attainable.

In the previous financial year 2022/23, Homa Bay County collected a total of Ksh. 553.74 million. Under Wanga’s administration, this figure has risen to Ksh. 1.04 billion, according to the Controller of the Budget’s report for the 2024/25 fiscal year.

In the 2022/23 fiscal year, the total collection for Homa Bay included Ksh. 159.56 million under Own Source Revenue (OSR), excluding health-related funds, and another Ksh. 394 million classified as Appropriation in Aid (AIA) and the Facility Improvement Fund (FIF) in the health sector.

By the end of the financial year on 31 March 2025, total revenue collection had increased to Ksh. 1.04 billion, approaching the target of Ksh. 1.48 billion.

According to the report, during the 2024/25 fiscal year, the County generated Ksh. 1.04 billion from its various revenue sources, reflecting a 12 per cent increase compared to the Ksh. 927.23 million generated during the same period in FY 2023/24.

This amount accounted for 70 per cent of the annual target and 19.3 per cent of the equitable revenue share disbursed.

The total OSR collection for the fiscal year under review comprises Ksh. 753.15 million from Facilities Improvement Financing (FIF) and Ksh. 285.54 million from OSR excluding health.

According to Professor Margaret Nyakango’s report, Homa Bay County’s approved Gross Budget for FY 2024/25 stands at Ksh. 11.88 billion.

This budget includes Ksh. 4.21 billion (35 per cent) allocated for development programmes and Ksh. 7.67 billion (65 per cent) for recurrent expenditure.

This budget reflects a 6 per cent increase from the FY 2023/24 estimates, which included a development budget of Ksh. 3.51 billion and a recurrent budget of Ksh. 7.66 billion, with a target of Ksh. 1.48 billion (13 per cent) generated as gross OSR.

The health sector AIA/FIF remains the highest revenue contributor, accounting for Ksh. 753.15 million, making up 72 per cent of total OSR receipts.

Other sources of revenue include the Single Business Permit, which generated 7 per cent of total OSR (Ksh. 69.86 million), while revenue from bricks, sand, murram, and stones yielded Ksh. 37.15 million (5 per cent).

Bus park fees contributed Ksh. 37.15 million (4 per cent), while market dues generated Ksh. 30.36 million.

Additionally, Ksh. 21.98 million (2 per cent) was collected from other cess income, and miscellaneous income accounted for Ksh. 20.62 million (2 per cent).

Income from kiosks and stall rents generated Ksh. 6.99 million (1 per cent), with other sources bringing in Ksh. 47.07 million (4 per cent).

The budget was financed from the following revenue sources: an equitable share of nationally raised revenue totalling Ksh. 8.44 billion (71 per cent), additional allocations and conditional grants of Ksh. 1.83 billion (15 per cent), and equalisation funds of Ksh. 128.60 million (1 per cent).

Of its OSR, Ksh. 981.07 million was to be generated from AIA and the FIF (revenue from health facilities), while Ksh. 501.74 million was ordinary own-source revenue.

“The County managed to achieve 70 per cent of its gross OSR target for the 2024/25 fiscal year,” the report states. “This increase in revenue is attributed to the automation of all revenue streams by the County Government,” the report concludes.

The Ford moment may return to haunt the opposition ahead of the 2027 elections

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By Anderson Ojwang

Kenya’s opposition could be facing the Ford moment after the enactment of Section 2A of the Constitution that turned the country into a multi-party state.

The Ford moment that denied the opposition the presidency in the 1992 first multi-party election could be rearing its face again ahead of the 2027 General Elections, and the opposition may fall to the axe.

The Ford moment could be sneaking back after 35 years and may strike the opposition parties that are currently struggling to present a joint presidential candidate to face President William Ruto.

The political caucus Ford that brought in place the doyen of opposition leaders, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, the late Martin Shikuku and other old guards and young Turks like James Orengo, Raila Odinga, Prof Anyang’ Nyong’o, Paul Muite, Gitobu Imanyara, the late George Kapten, Dr Mukhisa Kituyi, among others, in agitation for constitutional reforms, forced then President Daniel Arap Moi to amend the Constitution.

Subsequently, in December 1991, President Daniel Arap Moi oversaw the repeal of Section 2A of the Kenyan Constitution, which had previously established the Kenya African National Union (KANU) as the sole legal political party. This action effectively ended Kenya’s one-party state and paved the way for a multi-party political system.

After the repeal, the opposition smelled victory in the presidential election, but the scramble over a single presidential candidate handed victory to Moi.

Power struggles, mistrust, tribalism, individual ambition, and interference from outside precipitated the fallout between Oginga and Kenneth Matiba.

Consequently, Ford split into two, with Oginga forming Ford-K, while Matiba formed the Ford-Asili wing.

Equally, the emerging political space enticed former Vice President Mwai Kibaki, who was against the constitutional change crusade, to resign and found the Democratic Party of Kenya (DP).

In the popular vote, Moi received 1,962,866 votes accounting for 36.35% to win the election, while Matiba got 1,404,286 votes accounting for 26%.

Kibaki came third with 1,050,617 votes accounting for 19.46%, while Oginga came fourth with 944,197 votes accounting for 17.48%.

From the data, a divided opposition shared 3,399,100 votes, handing Moi the victory and a subsequent second term in the 1996 presidential election.

Currently, opposition leaders Kalonzo Musyoka of Wiper Party, impeached Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua of DCP, Martha Karua, Eugene Wamalwa, and Fred Matiang’i have been trying to forge unity ahead of the next General Election.

Former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party has settled on Matiang’i as its presidential candidate, while Rigathi and Kalonzo have embarked on countrywide “meet-the-people” tours in readiness for the presidential contest.

Already in Mt Kenya, Rigathi and Uhuru are reading from different scripts, with each wanting their political parties to dominate the region—an indicator of a likely fallout in the opposition.

Jubilee Secretary General Jeremiah Kioni said during a recent TV interview that it was retrogressive of Gachagua to try to balkanise the region for his DCP party.

“The important thing we can do as leaders in this country is to allow the growth of many political parties. As we head to 2027, I have heard people say that their region will only have one political party.

If you are not vying through my political party, then you are a nobody. That is very retrogressive.

It is a demonstration of a person who has not paid attention to the history of the country or someone who thinks we were selling njugu karanga when people were being killed because of multi-party democracy.

It is important to note that you don’t kill other parties as you sell your party. I have also heard others say, Matiang’i should go back and form his party from Kisii to seek the presidency.

Why do you have to demean the stature of the person and make him look like a local leader? If you want to become a leader of this nation, you don’t go to a local party but you go to a national platform.

How arrogant can one be to try to choose a party I should use as a candidate?

Matiang’i has a track record of what Jubilee can do and what they did when they were in leadership.

Matiang’i understands the Jubilee agenda. The issue and the question should be: are you better than Matiang’i, can you compete with him?

While we are saying that we should sit and agree on a united presidential candidate, I demand that at that table, we want to see a representation of Gen Z and the face of the country, and the presidential candidates, because we do not want to be given a candidate who has not been chosen by Kenyans,” he said.

Gachagua had declared that his party DCP was the only political party in the Mt Kenya region and that it was the party the region would use to seek alliances with other political outfits and leaders.

“Now we have our party DCP. You know our party. That is the party for this region.

We will use this party to seek alliances from other regions. The bedrock of DCP is Mt Kenya. We must have a strong party with over 150 MPs to protect our interests in Parliament.

We must have over 20 Senators to protect our interests in the Senate and we must have over 800 MCAs to protect our interests in the County Assemblies.

In 1992, Moi played us. The people of Murang’a, Kiambu, and Nairobi followed Matiba, while the people from Nyeri, Meru, Laikipia, Kirinyaga, and Embu followed Kibaki—and Moi rode between them to victory,” he said.

The push and pull between Wamunyoro and Ichaweri is a precursor to what may befall the opposition in the 2027 presidential election. From the land of Omugusii, Matiang’i and former Chief Justice David Maraga are all interested in the seat, and from recent events, each may go their own path to the presidency.

Equally, in the order of seniority, Kalonzo comes first while the rest are political greenhorns with no experience, and it would be difficult to convince the former Vice President to forgo his ambition.

With advancing age, Kalonzo and his supporters may find it hard to support a greenhorn for the presidency.

Edited by Sandra Blessing

Ford Moment May Return to Haunt the Opposition Ahead of the 2027 Elections

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By Anderson Ojwang

Kenya’s opposition could be facing a repeat of the Ford moment after the enactment of Section 2A of the Constitution that turned the country into a multi-party state.

The Ford moment that denied the opposition the presidency in the 1992 first multi-party elections could be re-emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections — and the opposition may once again fall under the axe.

The Ford moment could be sneaking back after 35 years and may strike the opposition parties, which are currently struggling to present a joint presidential candidate to face President William Ruto.

The political caucus Ford brought together the doyen of the opposition, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, the late Martin Shikuku, and other old guards and young Turks such as James Orengo, Raila Odinga, Prof Anyang’ Nyong’o, Paul Muite, Gitobu Imanyara, the late George Kapten, and Dr Mukhisa Kituyi, among others, in their agitation for constitutional reforms.

Their collective pressure eventually forced then-President Daniel Arap Moi to concede to reforms.

Subsequently, in December 1991, President Daniel Arap Moi oversaw the repeal of Section 2A of the Kenyan Constitution, which had previously established the Kenya African National Union (KANU) as the sole legal political party. This action effectively ended Kenya’s one-party state and paved the way for a multi-party political system.

Kipasi-Homa Bay Leaders Call for Expedited Investigations into the Death of a Fisherman in Police Holding Cells in Homa Bay

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By Habil Onyango

Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga and Suba North MP Millie Odhiambo have called for swift investigations into the death of a fisherman in a police holding cell at the Kipasi Police Post in Homa Bay.

The leaders expressed concern over the rising number of suspects found dead in police custody, emphasising the urgent need for thorough investigations to uncover the truth behind these incidents.

Calvince Omondi Onditi, 35, was found dead in the holding cell at the Kipasi Police Post, with authorities claiming it was a case of suicide.

Onditi was arrested by the local chief around 3 a.m. on Sunday, June 15, after he was discovered in a goat pen near a homestead close to Ndhuru Trading Centre.

He was taken into custody on allegations of bestiality before being handed over to the police for further processing.

“I call for a swift investigation into the death of this fisherman at Kipasi Police Station, where he allegedly hung himself. People cannot continue to die in police stations, a place where they expect safety. Nowadays, if something happens to anyone, they would rush to the police station, but with the current trends, these stations are no longer safe for our people,” Wanga said.

Millie called for a thorough investigation to determine the cause of Onditi’s death.

She urged the public to remain calm while awaiting the results of the post-mortem report to ascertain the cause of death, whether it was suicide or if he had been killed by the police.

Millie added, “I have information that the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) has already visited the station and taken over the case. If it is found that the suspect was murdered by police in the holding cells, action must be taken against the involved officers.

As a lawyer, I will follow up the case until Onditi receives justice,” she said.

Homa Bay County Police Commander Lawrence Koilim said Onditi, a fisherman from Ndhiwa Constituency, was found hanging from the roof of his cell using a trouser fashioned into a noose.

According to medical reports from Homa Bay Teaching and Referral Hospital, where the body has been preserved, there were signs of strangulation, including a trouser string around the deceased’s neck, and marks indicating strangulation, while his tongue appeared to be bitten.

The report further noted that there were no other visible marks on the body.

Kenya’s Crisis Is Not Just Economic—It’s Identity

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By Dr. Dan Kidha

Since June 2024, Kenyan streets have seen a bold uprising led by Gen Z.

This generation has refused to remain silent in the face of political deception, economic despair, and institutional betrayal.

These young Kenyans have not inherited the old fears.

They are not asking politely for a better future—they are demanding it.

Their bodies, creativity, and clarity have revived the national conscience.

Yet while they march for economic justice, another force pulls the country backward.

From political podiums, primarily in Mt. Kenya, a troubling rhetoric is being revived—one that cloaks entitlement in the language of grievance.

Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, now the de facto voice of opposition, repeatedly claims that President William Ruto “hates the mountain.”

This is a thinly veiled euphemism for Kikuyu alienation.

Gachagua’s message is clear: the mountain is owed something special. His warnings, “usiguze mlima” (“do not touch the mountain”), echo a familiar logic of ethnic exceptionalism.

It is the same logic that fueled post-independence power arrangements, where political loyalty determined state patronage, and where the center of power was presumed to be Mount Kenya, both literally and symbolically.

However, Kenya does not belong to the mountains, the valleys, the lakes, or the coast. Kenya belongs to its people, all of them.

Officially, we are 42 ethnic groups.

Unofficially, Kenya is home to more than 120 cultural communities, languages, and spiritual geographies. Yet the idea of Kenya has never truly made space for this richness.

The very name “Kenya” came not from the people but from colonial distortion.

It was a European mishearing of Kirinyaga, the sacred mountain of the Kikuyu, turned into a territorial label for people who never chose to be one.

From its inception, Kenya was a state without a shared narrative—a patchwork of identities stitched together for the sake of British administration.

At independence, that colonial machinery remained intact. Power shifted hands, but not structure.

One ethnicity replaced another at the center.

The rest were expected to fall in line or stay invisible.

This is why today’s crisis is not only about taxes or representation—it is about the soul of the republic. When Gachagua declares that the mountain has been abandoned, he is not simply expressing regional grievance.

He is reinforcing the myth that certain groups are more central to the nation than others.

This logic is dangerous.

It reduces Kenya to a series of competing tribes, rather than a shared civic project.

It perpetuates the myth that unity arises from dominance, rather than dialogue.

In truth, Kenya has never paused to ask itself: Do we want to be one people, and if so, on what terms? Elections or census figures cannot answer that question.

It must be answered by covenant—by a deliberate act of mutual recognition, where every community, regardless of size or history, is treated as co-founder of the republic.

Gen Z has given us a gift.

They have reminded the nation that it is possible to think beyond fear, beyond inherited loyalty, and tribal loyalties.

They chant slogans, but they also chant truth: that Kenya’s future cannot be built on ancestral privilege or colonial inheritance. It must be built on justice, equity, and shared imagination.

A state that serves only its majorities, or its loudest minorities, will collapse under the weight of its own exclusion.

A true nation must be founded in dialogue, not demographic arithmetic.

We can learn from models like Switzerland, where diverse ethnic and linguistic communities govern together through consensus, not conquest.

But even more, we can learn from our own indigenous traditions—elders councils, village assemblies, moral deliberations.

Before the colonizer came, African communities knew how to listen across differences.

They knew that power is sacred only when it is shared.

Kenya must now become a name we choose—together.

Not a name imposed by empire. Not aKenya’s Crisis Is Not Just Economic—It’s Identity

EDITED BY: HOPE BARBRA

Wanga delivers personal and financial support from President Ruto and Raila to the family of the late Ojwang in Kabondo Kasipul

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By Habil Onyango

Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga today delivered a personal condolence and financial support from President William Ruto and former Prime Minister Raila Odinga to the family of the late Albert Ojwang, who recently died in a police cell.

Wanga who was accompanied by Kasipul MP Dr Eve Obara, visited the family at their Kokwanyo home, where she told the family about the president’s commitment to ensure justice is done and those responsible for the death of the teacher are prosecuted.

Wanga assured the family on the President commitment to ensure justice for Ojwang was delivered and that he was committed to protecting sanctity of life.

The Governor called for the arrest and prosecution of those behind the murder of Ojwang, regardless of their positions in the government.

Wanga emphasized that Kenyans deserve to know who orchestrated this horrific crime and that those involved should face the full force of the law, with no sacred cows in the pursuit of justice.

Ojwang was taken into custody at his father’s home in Homa Bay on charges.

He was transported to Nairobi, where he was booked and subsequently beaten to death, dying on June 7, just hours after his arrest.

Already the Deputy Inspector General of Police Eliud Lagat who has come under scrutiny after he made complaints over alleged false publication against him by Ojwang’, has stepped aside from his position to allow for an impartial investigation into the death.

Lagat’s decision came after sustained uproar from the public and civil society groups, many of whom had called for his resignation to ensure transparency and accountability in the ongoing investigations.

“Today, we gather here at Mzee Meshack Ojwang’s homestead, the father of Albert, who is no longer with us.

This was not due to an accident or illness, but because some rogue police officers chose to bypass due process, took the law into their own hands, and murdered Ojwang’.

We are calling for swift justice for the late Ojwang—not justice in words but action,” Wanga added.

So far, police have questioned more than 20 individuals in connection with Ojwang’s murder, including 17 police officers and six civilians.

Two police officers, Officer Commanding Station Samson Talam and Constable James Mukhwana, have already been arrested for their involvement in the murder.

Talam spent his weekend in the Lang’ata police cells, where he had previously served as the deputy station commander.

A technician who tampered with the CCTV camera system at the station is also in custody.

“We have seen progress being made by the police in terms of arrests and bringing individuals to court, but Kenyans want to identify those who orchestrated Ojwang’s murder—those who came up with the idea,” Wanga stated.

“In times like this, one might wish for an eye for an eye because of the profound sadness we feel as a community and for the family,” she said.

“Justice must be expedited, as justice delayed is justice denied,” she concluded, alongside Obara, during their visit to the family in Kakelo Kokwanyo.

Obara called for the matter to be resolved thoroughly and for those responsible to be held accountable. She questioned the rationale behind Ojwang’s arrest and transport to Nairobi when courts were available in Homa Bay and neighboring counties.

She also raised concerns about the motives for Ojwang’s detention at Central Police Station and the circumstances surrounding his treatment while in custody.

Ojwang was the only child in his family.

Obara cautioned Kenyans, especially the youth, to be more careful about what they post online, stating some individuals can have malicious intentions.

“To our children, not everyone has a good heart.

Some people are evil, and you must be very careful with your social media posts to prevent such tragedies from happening to anyone else,” she urged.

The family has not yet set a date for Ojwang’s burial.

EDITED BY: HOPE BARBRA

Beyond politics: How Nyanza can mirror Murang’a’s economic blueprint for development

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By Nicanor Ndiege

Kenya’s economic narrative is undergoing a quiet revolution—one not led by the traditional political epicentres but by bold, visionary counties embracing productivity over politics.

Murang’a County, long in the shadow of its more politically prominent neighbours—Kiambu and Nyeri—has redefined itself as a rising economic powerhouse and a major breadbasket in the country.

Equity Group Holdings Chief Executive Officer, Dr. James Mwangi, in a recent investment conference in Murang’a, told President William Ruto that Murang’a was well served with tarmacked roads and that the only thing the region needs is investment in value addition for the various food crops the county produces.

“Last time I stayed in the Four Seasons Hotel in New York, I paid $12 for a sachet of 10 grams of the tea bag I produced. As an accountant, I computed $12 by sh130, the exchange rate. It came to sh150,000, and for me as a farmer, I only got sh75.
Your Excellency, if there is no other case, it is the power of value addition for Murang’a farmers; this is the only way we can motivate them,” he said.

Similarly, Nyanza enjoys rich natural resources, talent, and heritage. Yet, for a long time, the region has remained hamstrung by politics, raw resource exports, and infrastructure gaps.

Comparatively, Murang’a’s most potent strategy has been its conscious shift from politics to policy. Speaking at the investment conference, Murang’a Governor Irungu Kang’ata revealed that the county had several investment opportunities.

“Your Excellency, we are here for this conference for four reasons. We want to attract industries that can come and invest, and through that, we will be able to create jobs, raise revenue and create backwards linkages for our farmers.
In the Murang’a industrial park, we have 1,300 acres of land at a place near Makenji. The County Assembly has approved the master plan. In that master plan, 500 acres have been donated to EPZ, and we are happy they are currently building infrastructure.
The balance of 800 acres of land has been zoned for manufacturing and other uses. We have also given national government agencies pieces of land inside this park,” said the Governor.

If Nyanza is to mirror Murang’a, it must ring-fence development from politics. Murang’a has made an important leap by focusing on processing what it produces.

In his address, Dr. James Mwangi noted that because Murang’a is the leading avocado producer in Kenya, it would be economically viable for the county to construct factories for avocado processing.

“But Your Excellency, I would fail if I didn’t remind you that also Murang’a is the number one avocado producer in Kenya. We can also construct factories for avocado processing so that we may stop selling fruits and instead sell oil. And if you can help us, we can sell cosmetics. So we go up to sh150,000 instead of sh75.
Your Excellency, we are also number two in macadamia production in Kenya, and we are number two in coffee. Your Excellency, there is no other country that can give you that kind of scope. It is only Murang’a,” he said, adding that through the government’s support of such initiatives, the county can drive economic activities of the larger Central region.

This is in stark contrast to Nyanza, which continues to export fish and even gold in raw form—losing billions in value.

Lake Victoria’s fish is packaged in Europe and sold back to Kenyan supermarkets, while Migori’s gold leaves unprocessed. As Industrialisation CS Rebecca Miano rightly asked, “Why sell raw cane when we could power an ethanol revolution from Kisumu?”

To change this, Nyanza counties should pass “Local Processing Mandates” that require a percentage of produce—whether fish, cotton, or sugarcane—to be processed within the county before export.

Murang’a’s 1,300-acre industrial park is not just an idea—it’s operational, with paved roads and power supply already in place. This has attracted over $50 million in private investment.

Compare this with Nyanza, where only 18% of Kisumu’s rural roads are paved, according to the 2023 KNBS report.

The sugar belt from Muhoroni to Londiani remains critically underserved. While the Kisumu Special Economic Zone is a step forward, it must be fast-tracked and integrated with regional transport corridors like the port of Kisumu and the Uganda border.

But where will the money come from? Murang’a’s alliance with Equity Bank is a case study in harnessing homegrown capital for grassroots development. Through agro-financing and SME credit lines, local industries are flourishing.

Nyanza’s diaspora remitted KSh1.1 billion in 2023, reports CBK, yet little of that supports structured economic development. County governments must tap this vast resource pool through diaspora bonds, local investment forums, and guaranteed return schemes tied to industrial parks and EPZs.

Nyanza has every ingredient to become Kenya’s next economic frontier: fertile land, a vast lake economy, mineral wealth, and an educated youth base. What it needs is prudent governance and discipline to follow Murang’a’s model—depoliticise, industrialise, and localise.

Let Nyanza build county-level economic councils. Let it zone and activate industrial parks. Let it pass value-addition laws. Let it tap the diaspora not just for remittances but for reinvestment.

As Governor Kang’ata aptly put it: “Economics beats politics when citizens demand results.”

The question now for Nyanza is not if it can change, but when it will choose to.

The moment to pivot is now—not in the heat of rallies, but in the hum of factories; not in rhetoric, but in revenue.

Edited by Sandra Blessing

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