By Billy Mijungu

The Elections Act 2011 as applied today bars sitting Governors and Members of County Assembly MCAs from vying for any other elective seat unless they resign six months before a general election.

This legal mischief is not only discriminatory, it is unconstitutional and undemocratic.

While elected Members of Parliament MPs and Senators are allowed to seek other seats such as Governor or President without resigning, Governors and MCAs are punished for aspiring to higher office.

Both categories are elected. Both draw salaries from the public purse. Yet only one group is treated like a threat to free and fair elections. This is blatant legal hypocrisy.

It gets worse. The Elections Act classifies Governors and MCAs as public officers and forces them out of office for merely exercising a constitutional right. Appointed state officers including Principal Secretaries, Commissioners, and Directors are subjected to the same harsh rule. This approach kills ambition. It builds a political class at the expense of public talent.

Let us be clear. It is fair and reasonable that all public or state officers should be allowed to contest elective office without unnecessary resignation. We cannot build an inclusive competitive democracy if we treat political ambition like a crime.

The only public officers who should face restrictions such as mandatory leave are those who have Authority to Incur Expenditure AIE holders.

These are the individuals who control state budgets and procurement processes and they pose a real risk of undue influence over the electoral process. But even then, approved leave not forced resignation should suffice to level the playing field.
We must also confront the political reality.

Parliament will never fix this. Why would MPs amend a law that conveniently exempts them but punishes their political competition? Expecting Parliament to reform this provision is like expecting turkeys to vote for Christmas.

That is why the courts must step in.
The Judiciary must strike down this unconstitutional discrimination. Every Kenyan appointed or elected should have the right to run for public office without fear of losing their job. Either all must resign or none should. That is the only fair rule.

The current law violates Article 38 of the Constitution which guarantees the right of every citizen to participate in the political life of the country. That includes the right to contest elections freely and fairly without arbitrary legal obstacles.

If we truly want to attract the best minds, the most experienced civil servants, and the boldest reformers into political leadership, then we must stop punishing them for aspiring. We must stop creating artificial ceilings for Governors and MCAs while MPs enjoy unlimited political mobility.

It is time to end this selective injustice. It is time to allow Governors, MCAs, and all public servants to run for office without resigning, unless they control public funds. Then let them step aside briefly and return after the contest.

The Constitution demands fairness. The law must catch up.

By Billy Mijungu

In a bold move that underscores Washington’s growing unease with Kenya’s geopolitical entanglements, U.S. Senator Jim Risch has submitted an amendment seeking a full review of Kenya’s recently acquired Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) status. Granted on June 24, 2024, the designation was seen as a crowning moment in Kenya’s diplomatic relations with the United States, signaling elevated trust and a deeper strategic partnership. But politics in Washington, and across global capitals, is never linear.

Now, just months later, the U.S. Congress wants answers. The proposed review is not a symbolic act. It is a stern signal to Kenya, and to the wider world, that the U.S. is watching closely where Nairobi places its loyalties and how it manages its security, financial, and geopolitical engagements.

The amendment directs the Secretary of State, working in close coordination with the Defense Department, the Treasury, and the Intelligence Community, to undertake a comprehensive review of Kenya’s role in regional stability, its counterterrorism commitments, and, most critically, its evolving relationships with rival global powers namely China, Russia, and Iran.

This move could not have come at a more sensitive time. Kenya is actively positioning itself as a key player in Sub-Saharan Africa. It has deployed troops to Haiti as part of a United Nations peacekeeping mission and continues to serve as a counterterrorism partner in the fight against al-Shabaab. But behind the scenes, U.S. officials appear increasingly concerned that Kenya’s open-door approach to foreign partners may be compromising its Western alliances.

The amendment demands specifics. It calls for a breakdown of Kenya’s military and economic engagements with Beijing, Moscow, and Tehran. It seeks an exposé of the financial and political connections that key Kenyan political figures may have with these powers.

It even goes as far as investigating whether Kenya is being used as a safe haven for sanctioned entities and terror-linked networks operating from neighboring South Sudan, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda.

That this review is happening under the backdrop of a possible Trump administration return makes it more than a bureaucratic formality. It is a warning. Under Trump, American foreign policy may swing sharply towards a transactional lens. Alliances will be scrutinized based on reciprocity, loyalty, and alignment with U.S. strategic interests. Kenya may find itself forced to choose.

The clause also probes into the use of U.S. military assistance and intelligence sharing. Has Kenya used this support responsibly? Or has it fueled state-sponsored violence, torture, or renditions against civilians? The implications here are huge. If the U.S. determines that Kenya has misused its access to American resources or flirted too closely with adversaries, funding and cooperation could be cut or scaled back dramatically.

This review may also influence future aid decisions, security partnerships, and trade agreements. It puts Kenya’s foreign policy under a microscope and forces a national conversation on the direction of its global partnerships.

Kenya must take note. The designation as a Major Non-NATO Ally was not merely ceremonial. It came with the expectation of alignment with Western democratic values and interests. A swing towards economic expediency that includes embracing rival powers like China or turning a blind eye to sanctioned actors will not go unnoticed.

This review is both an opportunity and a challenge. Kenya can reaffirm its commitments to peace, transparency, and mutual strategic interests. But it must also brace for uncomfortable questions, increased scrutiny, and potential realignments in its foreign policy.

The world is watching. And in Washington, the tables may be turning.

By Alfred Miluge Gogi

The success of any technical and vocational education and training (TVET) institution is directly linked to its capacity to attract, retain, and successfully graduate students in programs that are both market-relevant and aligned with national development goals.

The government has placed more emphasis on technical training and this explains the upsurge of the vicational and technical training institutes in the country in the recent past.

The preference of students to study in the technical institutions is as a realization of the impact the trainings have in the economy and job market

That is why Ngeria Technical Training Institution (Ngeria TTI), as a young and growing TVET centre, must strategically position itself to respond to Kenya’s Vision 2030, the Bottom-Up Economic Transformation Agenda (BETA), and the Kenya TVET Act, 2013, which emphasize skill development for industrialization and self-employment.

This strategy paper presents a comprehensive roadmap for improving student enrolment by introducing market-driven programs, supported by clear policies that ensure stakeholder buy-in from the Ministry of Education (State Department of TVET), local communities, and industry partners.

STRATEGIC OBJECTIVES

To achieve sustainable growth in student enrolment, Ngeria TTI ought to pursue the following objectives:

Introduce market-driven programs that align with current and projected labour market demands.

Strengthen institutional visibility through branding, marketing, and community outreach.

Enhance stakeholder engagement and support, tv including government, industry, and the local community.

Establish enabling policies to guide curriculum development, student recruitment, and partnerships.

Foster a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship that appeals to youth seeking practical skills for self-employment.

SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS

3.1 Internal Environment

Challenges:

Limited enrolment in existing programmes

Inadequate awareness of the institution’s potential among prospective students

Limited linkages with local industries

Competition from established TVET institutions

Limited infrastructure

Limited workshop equipment

Strengths:

Strategic location near Eldoret

A dedicated Board of Governors (BoG) and management

Government support

Availability of land for expansion

3.2 External Environment

Kenya’s labour market demands competency-based skills in:

Renewable energy

Digital technologies

Agribusiness

Automotive engineering

Construction

Tailoring and clothing

Beauty and cosmetology

MARKET-DRIVEN PROGRAMME DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

4.1 Labour Market Needs Assessment

Conduct tracer studies and market surveys

Collaborate with KNBS and NITA

Engage industry associations

4.2 Introduction of Innovative Programmes

Proposed programmes:

Renewable Energy and Solar Technology

Digital Skills, Cybersecurity, Software Development

Smart Agriculture and Agro-Processing

Automotive Mechatronics and EV Maintenance

Construction Technology and Green Building

Hospitality and Culinary Arts

Beauty and Cosmetology

Tailoring and Clothing

4.3 Flexible Delivery and Short Courses

Evening/weekend classes

Short professional courses

Modular certification

4.4 Marketing and Branding

Digital marketing

Career talks

Open days and exhibitions

POLICY FRAMEWORK FOR SUSTAINABLE ENROLMENT

5.1 Programme Development Policy

Market validation

Compliance with CBET and KNQF

Annual curriculum review

5.2 Student Recruitment and Admission Policy

Gender balance and inclusivity

Partnerships for bursaries

Grassroots awareness

5.3 Industry Partnership Policy

Industry Advisory Boards

Mandatory attachments

Curriculum co-design

5.4 Community Engagement and Buy-In Policy

Skills fairs and free workshops

BoG inclusion of local leaders

CSR initiatives

5.5 Monitoring and Evaluation Policy

Enrolment and employability tracking

MIS implementation

Programme refinement

STAKEHOLDER ENGAGEMENT STRATEGY

6.1 Ministry of Education and State Department for TVET

Ensure regulatory compliance

Seek capitation and support

Align with national priorities

6.2 Local Community and Parents

Awareness forums

Community liaison officers

Targeted skills training

6.3 Industry and Development Partners

MoUs for training and employment

Funding support

Industry forums

IMPLEMENTATION PLAN

Phase 1 (0–12 months):

Labour market survey

Align current programmes

Launch marketing/outreach

Phase 2 (1–3 years):

Introduce 3–5 new programmes

Establish advisory boards

Increase enrolment by 50%

Phase 3 (3–5 years):

Regional skills hub

Centre of Excellence

Self-sustaining growth

MONITORING AND EVALUATION FRAMEWORK

Key Performance Indicators (KPIs):

20% annual enrolment growth

Approval of new programmes

70% graduate employment rate

Industry partnerships

Community participation

Reporting:

Quarterly reviews

Annual strategic reports

Mid-term review (Year 3)

CONCLUSION

Ngeria TTI is well-positioned to become a beacon of technical skills development in Uasin Gishu County and beyond. Market-driven programmes, supportive policies, and active stakeholder engagement will drive enrolment and national development. With the right strategies, Ngeria TTI can become a trusted regional Centre of Excellence.

The writer is PhD Student in Project Planning and Management, MSc Project Planning and Management.

The views expressed here are personal

By Billy Mijungu

The clock is ticking on the National Government Constituency Development Fund. It is not just a matter of legality anymore. It is a matter of principle. And this time, the Constitution is not just watching, it is fighting back.

A bold petition now before the High Court may finally be the door that shuts this controversial fund for good. The argument is as clear as daylight. You cannot sneak past the architecture of the Constitution and expect it not to respond.

The 2010 Constitution envisioned a clean, structured, and devolved government, not scattered personal projects and political fiefdoms masquerading as development funds.

The proposed Constitution of Kenya Amendment Bill 2025 is the latest Trojan horse. It seeks to anchor not one but three funds into the Constitution itself: the National Government Constituencies Fund, a Senate Oversight Fund, and the National Government Affirmative Action Fund. On paper, it may sound progressive. In practice, it is the slow poisoning of our governance structure.

Turning constituencies into a third governance unit under the national executive is a direct attack on the two tier structure, national and county. Anchoring budgets for these funds within the Constitution undermines both revenue sharing and the spirit of parliamentary oversight. In essence, it gives MPs and Senators a budget line but not the responsibility or transparency that comes with it.

The Constitution did not stumble into place. It was designed. It was fought for. And it has safeguards. Article 255 demands that any amendment affecting the sovereignty of the people, the structure of devolution, national values, or the functions of Parliament must go through a referendum. The drafters of this Bill appear to have either overlooked that fact or deliberately ignored it.

The petitioners have asked the court to intervene now, before the damage is done. They want the High Court to declare that creating these funds falls under Article 255 and therefore must face the people in a referendum. It is a vital legal checkpoint, one that may well preserve the soul of the Constitution.

In truth, this case is not just about funds. It is about the future. It is about protecting the dream of devolution from being eaten alive by the claws of centralized patronage. In our lifetime, we may just witness the final burial of the National Government Constituency Development Fund. Not because Parliament woke up but because the Constitution fought back.

By Billy Mijungu

The political arena in Kenya is never short of strategy and surprise. The recent subtle pronouncements by former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua hinting at a presidential run are not merely wishful ambition. They form a well calculated move aimed at realigning his political relevance, safeguarding his freedom after being booted out of office, and influencing the 2027 election matrix in favor of his.i interest.

It is public knowledge that Gachagua is entangled in legal and ethical complications that may bar him from contesting any public office. His announcement therefore cannot be taken at face value. It is a move to force the conversation about his eligibility back to the national stage. The moment he is perceived as a presidential contender, any decision barring him from running morphs into a national issue. It is no longer just about corruption allegations or integrity questions. It becomes political suppression. This gives Gachagua the leverage he needs to negotiate his way back into public service, or at the very least, out of legal trouble.

President William Ruto may have little political need for Gachagua at the national level anymore, but he remains critical to Ruto’s 2027 strategy, just not in the way people think. By allowing Gachagua to position himself as a presidential aspirant and even run, Ruto stands to benefit in a more indirect and destructive way, by dividing the Mount Kenya vote.

Ruto knows that his main threat in the next general election lies not in Gachagua but in a united opposition bolstered by Mount Kenya support. If the opposition remains intact, especially with the emergence of credible alternative candidates from the central region, then Ruto’s chances of reelection diminish significantly. However, if Gachagua runs and pulls even a fraction of the region’s votes, it scatters the numbers just enough to tip the balance in favor of Ruto Especially when backed by Odinga.

Gachagua may not necessarily win the presidency. He likely knows this. But by running, he positions himself as the voice of a disenfranchised Mount Kenya, a figure with unfinished business, a man sacrificed by the system. He turns into a regional martyr of sorts, increasing his political capital and relevance even in defeat.

This strategy works only if Gachagua still commands loyalty in the region, and therein lies the bait. Mount Kenya leaders eying national stature know that Gachagua is a vessel with diminishing fuel, but they also know he holds state secrets, political alliances, and perhaps more importantly, control of financial and administrative networks.

Every political hyena, whether in government or opposition, is watching closely for when he drops off the race, they benefit and he knows as much.

So if the opposition is smart, it must not just focus on who they will front as a candidate. It must prepare to counter any state sanctioned sabotage disguised as ambition. The moment they begin to treat Gachagua’s candidacy as legitimate without dissecting the intent behind it, they play into the game of statecraft.

The real concern is not whether Gachagua will run or not. The concern is how his name on the ballot serves a larger scheme, to fracture the opposition, neutralize Mount Kenya’s voting power, and render the 2027 contest a three way split that favors the incumbent.

Politics is a game of interest. In this game, Gachagua is not just seeking the presidency. He is seeking immunity, relevance, and redemption. The presidency is merely the cover story. The real play is survival, and he is playing it like a man who understands that in politics, you do not need to win to win. You only need to cause enough confusion to be invited back to the table.

The opposition has been warned. The hyenas are circling. And the man with the meat knows exactly what he is doing.