By Donald Agwenge

On 17th August 2020, Senator Mutula Kilonzo Jnr told Senator Moses Kajwang to “keep your cool boy, this is not a laughing matter, sit down and listen to wisdom.” Exactly five years later, my senator has once again lost his cool. He struts with hollow braggadocio that Parliament is powerful enough to impeach the president, while the president cannot touch a sitting member of Parliament. He is wrong, and this is another moment to sit down and listen to wisdom.

President William Ruto has boldly declared Parliament a corruption zone and a house of extortion. He has thrown MPs under the bus, and the Parliament of Owls has responded with predictable buffoonery. They have threatened to slow down the government’s agenda, summon and harass top officials, and even imagine impeaching the president in their wildest dreams. Yet MPs themselves have admitted that bribery thrives in their ranks, with some confessing colleagues can be bought for as little as ten thousand shillings, cheaper than a pig and a Merino sheep. Ruto has merely confirmed what Kenyans, especially Gen Z, concluded on 25th June last year when Parliament betrayed the people by passing the punitive Finance Bill.

The counterattack has already begun. For the first time, a Parliamentary Group meeting was aired live on television, where the president and his Baba used the moment to lecture MPs and bring them back to order. In doing so, Ruto distanced himself from Adipo Sidang’s image of King Tula Nyongoro in Parliament of Owls. That dishonour now rests with the two speakers of Parliament, presiding over a House of voracious owls condemned by the people and shamed by the head of state.

Their reaction is not surprising. Around the world, legislatures accused of corruption react the same way. In Nigeria, President Olusegun Obasanjo accused parliament of graft. The MPs, as unpopular as ours, tried to intimidate him with impeachment but failed miserably. They then blocked budgets and demanded concessions. Ruto should expect this tit-for-tat political brinkmanship. In the 1950s, Harry Truman called the U.S. Congress “do-nothing and corrupt.” They retaliated by slowing down his agenda and dragging his officials before committees. Dilma Rousseff in Brazil and Roh Moo-hyun in South Korea also condemned their parliaments, and both faced impeachment.

Truman did not face impeachment but saw his approval ratings sink and he chose not to run again. The others lost office, but history remembers them for daring to speak out. Is this President Ruto’s wildcard? To risk his re-election in order to confront corruption at the highest level? He has always been a chess master and I don’t think he would lose against pigs at the feeding trough of August House gluttony. In a contest between Parliament on one hand and the presidency on the other, Kenyans will back him. A super majority already lost confidence in Parliament on 25th June.

President Ruto also holds a joker card. He can borrow from President Charles de Gaulle in France. In 1962, de Gaulle accused the French Parliament of obstruction and corruption. MPs there, like ours today, threatened to sabotage his agenda and talked of impeachment. He was ahead of them. He dissolved Parliament and called snap elections. The people rewarded him with a stronger mandate. When are you dissolving this parliament, Mr. President? Gen Z are ready to bring younger blood focused on their cardinal roles of legislation, representation and oversight, not bribe seekers.

Kenya’s Constitution provides the avenue in Article 261 that gives the president power to dissolve Parliament if it fails to discharge its obligations. Chief Justice David Maraga already issued an advisory on this. The president therefore holds the power to send MPs home within ninety days. Senator Kajwang’s empty swagger that “the president can do nothing to them” will soon be proved as either ignorance or the deliberate deception of a drowning man clutching at straws.

Parliament’s perfidy last June sealed its fate. On that day, MPs chose stomachs that never get full over Kenyans, the real Tumbo Lisiloshiba. Kenyans saw clearly that the problem is not the people but the gluttons who pretend to lead them. Even the youth, often hostile to Ruto, agree with him this time. We are products of classrooms where we read Imbuga, Ngũgĩ, Achebe and Mazrui. They told us betrayal and greed would define our politics. What we are living now is betrayal writ large, a Parliament of extortionists feeding on the nation while pretending to serve.

Between Ruto and Parliament, Kenyans have already chosen. He is not King Tula Nyongoro. That crown belongs to Speaker Wetang’ula and his counterpart in the Senate, who preside over the owls’ gluttony and their endless charade. Against them, the president has the people on his side.

Abraham Lincoln once said “you can fool all the people some of the time and some of the people all the time, but not all the people all the time.” On 25th June, Parliament discovered this the hard way. If President Ruto continues to hold up the mirror, history will remember him as the man who refused to play King Tula Nyongoro in Wetang’ula’s Parliament of Owls.

The writer is a Big Data Strategist. agwenge@nexsms.africa

By Edris Omondi Esq. Executive Director Crime Prevention Initiative Trust. cpitkenya@gmail.com

The recent issuance in a memo directing the sugar companies’ management to issue termination notices to the staffs of both Muhoroni Sugar Company and South Nyanza Sugar Company declaring them redundant was both ill-advised and untimely. PS Agriculture Dr. Paul Kipronoh Ronoh should be prevailed on, to revoke the same. This came at a time when the industry is already fragile and still locked in a slow-moving privatization process, this decision risks pushing thousands of breadwinners into poverty while further undermining an already weakened sector.

Kisumu Governor, Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o, has rightfully warned that redundancy at this stage is the wrong step. I echo his sentiments. It is not only an economic misstep but a social injustice to families whose livelihoods have for decades been tied to the sugar industry.

Lessons from the Past:

In 2005, I participated in a study commissioned by ActionAid International and the UNFAO, under the leadership of Professor Qasim Shah, to examine the impact of sugar surges on rural livelihoods and food security. The findings remain relevant today.

Between 1995 and 2004, Kenya’s sugar imports surged sharply following trade liberalization and the removal of price controls. Imports grew from 65,000 tonnes in 1996 to nearly 250,000 tonnes by 2001. The result was devastating: direct employment in the sugar sector shrunk by 79%, with more than 32,000 people losing jobs. Close to 160,000 households across sugar-producing regions saw their incomes plummet, while the share of imported sugar in the domestic market ballooned from 31% to 41%.

This historical evidence shows us one thing: sugar sector mismanagement always translates directly into social crisis. Declaring redundancy now only repeats the same mistakes of the past, with even harsher consequences.

Why Redundancy is Ill-Advised:

Mass redundancy in sugar companies will not solve the sector’s underlying inefficiencies. Instead, it will:

• Erode livelihoods: Thousands of families in Nyanza depend on sugar factories, either directly or indirectly.

• Weaken rural economies: Reduced household incomes shrink local markets and increase poverty.

• Compromise food security: Heavy reliance on imported sugar makes Kenya vulnerable to global price shocks and cartels.

• Fuel social instability: Joblessness and frustration breed crime, rural-urban migration, and the breakdown of community structures.

What Other Countries Did Differently:

Kenya is not the first country to face a sugar industry crisis. Yet others have chosen reform over retrenchment:

• Mauritius transformed its sugar industry by diversifying into ethanol, co-generated electricity, and specialty sugars. Workers were retrained and absorbed, not discarded.

• India gave farmers and workers cooperative ownership stakes in sugar mills, ensuring reforms were people-driven.

• Brazil pivoted from sugar to bio-ethanol production, creating new industries while sustaining employment.

The lesson? Redundancy is not reform. Strategic restructuring, diversification, and re-skilling are the sustainable pathways.

The Right Path for Kenya:

Kenya can still reinvent its sugar industry without sacrificing livelihoods. The Government should pursue:

1. In the first instance work with the County Governments- since Agriculture is devolved and hence restructure joint committees that understudy the livelihood action impact.

• Restructuring Before Redundancy- Fix governance, modernize equipment, and improve efficiency before privatization, not after.

• Worker-to-Shareholder Transition – Convert workers into shareholders of privatized companies, as seen in cooperative models abroad.

• Product Diversification – Expand beyond sugar to ethanol, industrial alcohol, animal feed, and renewable energy (bagasse cogeneration).

• Re-skilling Programs – Prepare workers for roles in diversified industries rather than sending them home empty-handed.

• Gradual Retirement Options – Introduce voluntary exit packages and phased retirement instead of abrupt retrenchment.

Conclusion

Kenya’s sugar sector is not just about cane and factories; it is about families, food security, and the future of rural economies. Redundancy is a blunt instrument that punishes workers for failures not of their making.

As Kenya dives into the merit of privatization of the industry, let it be a people-centered privatization that secures livelihoods while building competitiveness. Other countries turned their sugar crises into opportunities. Kenya must not let its sugar belt collapse into despair.

The sweet future of sugar lies not in discarding workers, but in reinventing the industry around them.

By Billy Mijungu

The unity, goodwill and national pride that Harambee Stars have brought us through their performance at CHAN must not be allowed to dim. What we witnessed was not just a football tournament; it was a statement of possibility, resilience and the depth of potential that Kenya possesses. The boys stood tall, carried the flag high and injected hope into millions who, for a long time, had grown tired of disappointment. That kind of sacrifice and achievement must never be rewarded with poverty.

We must recognize that CHAN has given us more than goals and victories. It has given us a mirror of what this country can be when discipline, determination and belief come together. These young men must now be the face of Kenyan excellence. They should not go back to struggling with rent, hustling for allowances or disappearing into anonymity after giving us their best. They must be integrated into the economic fabric of the nation as symbols of success and ambassadors of Kenyan resilience.

This is where government, corporate Kenya and our people must rise. Football is more than a sport; it is a global industry worth billions. The Harambee Stars players have crossed the Rubicon; there is no going back to obscurity. Corporations must not wait to be begged. They must see in this team an opportunity to brand Kenya, to market products, to push tourism and to inspire investment. Imagine a Harambee Star as the face of Magical Kenya campaigns, another as the ambassador of a banking product, another fronting a telco brand. This is how we create value not just for the players, but for the country at large.

The government too has a duty that goes beyond handshakes and photo opportunities. Policy must deliberately carve out space for sports to be a real career, not a temporary pastime. That means structured contracts, retirement benefits, and health cover for every player who represents the national team. The government must work with federations and private sector to ensure the players never have to worry about where the next meal comes from. National duty must come with dignity.

CHAN performance must also inspire the next generation. Children across Kenya watched Harambee Stars defy odds, and in their eyes was born the hope that they too can achieve greatness. That hope must not be wasted. We need well-structured academies in every county, proper scouting networks, and sustained investment in grassroots football. Let the boys from Turkana, Kisii, Taita, Mandera and Busia know that if they work hard, they too can wear the Harambee Stars jersey and change their families’ fortunes forever.

We must also not ignore the psychological effect of this success. For too long, Kenya has been trapped in the narrative of failure in football. Now that the tide has shifted, it must be anchored. Confidence is a national resource, and these boys have injected it back into the bloodstream of our people. That confidence must flow into our schools, our streets, our offices and our homes.

If the players go back to poverty, the nation will have lost more than a game. We will have told our youth that even when you sacrifice everything and achieve greatness, the system will still fail you. But if we elevate these players, if we ensure they live dignified lives, then we will have planted a permanent seed of belief in the hearts of millions.

The Harambee Stars of CHAN must therefore be more than footballers. They must be national icons, economic beneficiaries, ambassadors of hope and examples of what Kenya can achieve when it dares to dream.

By Billy Mijungu

Kenya’s debt story is one of the greatest lessons of our time. It has been painful, heavy, and at times humiliating, but out of it comes wisdom that can shape our future for generations. For years we have tied ourselves to borrowing practices that left us vulnerable, servicing loans in currencies we do not produce, especially the dollar. This has drained our reserves and put constant pressure on our economy. The time has come to change course and redefine how we approach both debt and trade.

The first lesson is that Parliament must never take a back seat in debt management. It is not enough to leave decisions in the hands of the President and the Treasury. We have seen what happens when a head of state mortgages the country in pursuit of personal projects. Uhuru Kenyatta’s era is a reminder that initiatives tied to heavy borrowing can haunt citizens for decades. Kenyans may still be repaying some of these loans long after his presidency. Oversight must be firm and deliberate to avoid a repeat of this mistake.

Encouragingly, the Treasury has started to change strategy by denominating some loans in the local currencies of our lenders. This simple but powerful step relieves us from the endless chase for dollars to settle debts. We have already seen the Samurai loan issued in Japanese Yen and discussions to repay Chinese debt in Yuan. These are not just symbolic moves, they are practical steps to spread risks away from the dollar and stabilize our economy.

Currency swaps and local currency arrangements present clear benefits. They shield us from sharp fluctuations in the dollar exchange rate which often push repayment costs higher than the original loans. They also strengthen bilateral trade since countries are more willing to trade when payments can be made in their own currency. Imagine buying medicine from India directly in Rupees instead of scrambling for dollars. The cost of imports would fall, shortages would reduce, and the savings could be invested back into our economy. The same logic applies to imports from Japan, China, and other major partners. Paying in their currencies builds trust, secures supply, and encourages them to invest more in our markets.

Diversifying currencies also spreads risk. Relying too heavily on the dollar is like putting all your eggs in one basket. Whenever the dollar strengthens globally, our debt burden swells, food prices climb, and businesses struggle. By transacting in a basket of currencies, Kenya can balance shocks and ensure smoother economic performance. This is the pathway that countries like China, India, and even Russia have pursued with success, and it is time we fully embrace it.

All in all, Kenya must redefine its economic future by aligning debt and trade with currency realities. We cannot continue living at the mercy of the dollar. A well negotiated system of currency swaps and diversified borrowing will not only reduce pressure on our economy but also give us back control over our destiny. In this new pathway, survival means spreading risk, protecting our people, and ensuring that future generations inherit a stronger, more resilient nation.