By Correspondent

A succession dilemma is unfolding at Kenya Railways Corporation (KRC) as the government weighs whether to replace long-serving Managing Director Philip Mainga or extend his tenure beyond his current contract.

Mainga, who took over the helm in 2018, is expected to exit in February 2026 when his contract expires. However, the decision on his future is proving contentious, with competing interests pulling in different directions.

The sticking point is Mainga’s age—he will be 59 at the time his term ends, leaving him with just one year before reaching the mandatory retirement age of 60. This technicality has left the State “between a rock and a hard place” on whether to renew his tenure or open the position to new leadership.

Sources within the Transport Ministry say Transport Cabinet Secretary Davis Chirchir and several State House insiders have expressed confidence in Mainga’s leadership, crediting him with stabilizing the corporation and pushing forward key infrastructure projects, including the Nairobi Railway City and the revitalization of commuter services. He is credited for reviving Kisumu Port, Nakuru – Kisumu Railway Line, Nairobi- Nanyuki Railway Line

However, not everyone agrees. A faction within the KRC Board of Directors is said to be pushing for “total adherence to the law,” arguing that the agency must transition to new leadership to comply with governance and succession rules.

At the same time, the National Treasury is reportedly keen on effecting wider changes within the parastatal, a move that could see a new Managing Director appointed as part of broader reforms in the transport sector.

The debate underscores the growing scrutiny over leadership renewal in key State corporations — a process often shaped by both merit and political considerations.

For now, the question remains: will the State extend Mainga’s reign to complete ongoing projects, or usher in new leadership at Kenya Railways ahead of 2026?

By James Okoth

A nationwide strike by digital transport drivers and boda boda operators has brought business to a near standstill across major towns, with Nairobi suffering the worst paralysis since Monday. The strike, which began on November 3 and is expected to run until November 30, has disrupted movement for thousands of commuters and delivery services across the capital.

Acting under the umbrella of the Amalgamation of Digital Taxi Transport Organisations, the drivers, drawn from Uber, Bolt, Little Cab and other platforms, have vowed not to return to work until the government and the National Transport and Safety Authority (NTSA) address long-standing grievances.

The strike is being enforced through a legal directive from Murithi Kimathi and Karera Advocates, acting on behalf of the digital operators against the NTSA and the Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure. The notice, circulated on Sunday, warned all partners, car owners and operators to “comply fully with the directive” or risk punitive action.

“Any attempt to defy this strike will attract charges per kilometre covered or other penalties as deemed fit by the collective leadership,” the notice reads in part.

The strike has seen operators form small vigilante groups across key intersections in Nairobi’s Westlands, CBD, Upper Hill and Kasarani, to ensure no digital cabs are on the road. Witnesses reported cases of deflated tyres and blocked access roads as part of the enforcement.

“We are not fighting anyone. We are fighting for our rights,” said Justin Nyaga, one of the strike’s co-chairs. “The NTSA and the Ministry of Transport have failed to enforce the Transport Network Companies, Owners and Passengers Regulations of 2022. We are demanding compliance and fairness in pricing, safety and earnings,” he added.

His counterpart, Daniel Manga, accused digital platforms of exploitation and regulatory negligence.

“Drivers are being overtaxed, underpaid and unprotected,” Manga said. “Until the government ensures that all companies comply with the law, we shall not move a single kilometre,” he emphasised.

The ripple effect of the strike is already being felt beyond the capital. In Mombasa, Kisumu, Eldoret and Nakuru, commuters were stranded for hours, while delivery companies reliant on digital transport reported massive delays.

Economists warn that the ongoing strike could cost the country over Sh2.5 billion in lost productivity and disrupted logistics if it continues through the end of November.

Hon. David Ochieng’, Ugenya Member of Parliament, Movement for Development and Growth (MDG) party leader and Siaya County gubernatorial hopeful, spoke to The Western Insight.

“The transport sector is a key artery for Kenya’s service economy,” Ochieng’ said. “A sustained paralysis of digital and boda services for nearly a month could trigger inflation in urban mobility and logistics, directly affecting food delivery, e-commerce and ride-sharing sectors,” he warned.

Meanwhile, tension continues to mount in Nairobi’s Central Business District, where dozens of digital drivers marched peacefully from Uhuru Park to the NTSA headquarters, chanting “Fair pay, fair rules!”

Security has been heightened in key transport zones, with police cautioning both operators and the public to avoid confrontations.

As the standoff enters its second day, all eyes are on the NTSA and the Transport Cabinet Secretary to intervene before the paralysis extends into the festive season, threatening livelihoods and the nation’s already strained transport grid.

By Anderson Ojwang

Siaya Senator Oburu Odinga has played second fiddle in politics to his younger brother, the late Raila Odinga, for over three decades and has often been seen to be reliant on Raila for survival.

For many, Oburu has often passed out as a weakling and the soft belly of the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga family political lineage.

Most people have often dismissed him as “Raila’s crybaby”, which in actual fact is not true. Oburu has been the fulcrum of the Odinga’s economic and political mainstay.

The soft-spoken, non-controversial, open-minded, and lethal Oburu is finally walking out of Raila’s shadow to steer the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) from the storm to safe docking.

Kisumu Woman Representative Ruth Odinga, the younger sister, sounded the alarm bell when she said during a recent meeting with a delegation of party officials from Nyanza at Oburu’s home in Bondo, “Oburu was Raila’s advisor and whatever he said, Raila would not go against. Oburu is firmer and fair in his management. He will steer and unite the party.”

In the declassified files, foreign diplomatic memos and war student movements reveal Oburu’s early grooming for leadership long before Raila’s political reign.

By 1961, Oburu had been viewed as a future influential figure in Kenya’s politics. This is according to documents intercepted by the British spy agency M15, when his father contemplated taking him to a private boys’ school in London’s upmarket institution.

When Oburu visited China aged 20 years, he was treated as nobility, and one of the Western diplomats, after secretly recording a conversation with Oburu in 1964, informed the Foreign Office in London that “Oburu Oginga may well one day be a man of some consequence in Kenya.”

And the diplomat’s prophecy has come to pass. During the recent burial of former Minister Dalmas Otieno Anyango in Rongo, Migori County, Oburu revealed how he negotiated for the release of Raila from detention.

While Jaramogi Oginga and his son Raila rebelled against the government of the day, Oburu served in the same government as a provincial planning officer.

Oburu said he approached Dalmas to help him negotiate and secure a loan for the family business that was expanding, and because his family was in bad books with the government, he had to seek an alternative route.

“I held discussions with Dalmas, who took me to the once powerful Permanent Secretary for Provincial Administration, Hezekiah Oyugi.
In the meeting, we agreed that Jaramogi was to say he had no problem with the government. I was able to convince Jaramogi, but he had one condition — the release of Raila. The condition was agreed on, and Jaramogi drove to Nairobi and issued a statement that marked Raila’s freedom until his death,” he said.

Oburu has moved to thaw the storm in the ODM party by summoning the rebelling Embakasi East MP Babu Owino to listen and address his issues.

“This is not the time to kick people out but to unite the people. Nobody should deny any member a party ticket. Babu is one of us, and we should hand over leadership to the youths,” he said during a recent TV interview.

And yesterday, Oburu paid a courtesy call on Cabinet Secretary Wycliffe Oparanya. Oparanya, a former deputy party leader, has had a running battle with Kakamega Governor Fernandes Barasa, which had threatened to undermine the party’s popularity and dominance in the region.

Oparanya wrote on his X handle, “I held a meeting with Dr Oburu Oginga, the interim party leader of ODM, who paid me a courtesy call at my office.
Our discussion focused on matters of mutual interest, particularly on how strengthened collaboration and sound leadership can advance the national development agenda and promote inclusive economic growth across the country.”

On the broad-based government, Oburu was categorical that ODM was still in the coalition but was open to future coalitions.

Oburu said currently ODM was in a broad-based government and would watch how the political formation with President William Ruto rolled out ahead of the 2027 general elections.

“We have a clear position that in 2027, when the time comes, we will have a pre-election or post-election coalition and we shall discuss.
For now, we are concentrating on staying in the broad-based government which we have with UDA, and the issues we are tackling are on the 10-point agenda.
We have not moved out of that and we have not said anything more than that.
If at that time, 2027, Ruto comes and joins ODM — you know he is a founder member of ODM — and he wants to vie on the party ticket, we will subject him to the rule,” he said.

Oburu said the current arrangement does not speak about the 2027 presidential elections and coalition.

“Once the framework is implemented fully, then 2027 will take care of itself. In 2027, you will see people jostling, and it will be very difficult to form any government in Kenya without a coalition.
Even for this government, even before we joined it, it had parties within it. You will see political parties going for strong formations.
At that time, ODM will be relevant as friends. If it is weak or swallowed, nobody will want to talk to you.
We could join any formation, including UDA. We are going to talk to anybody, including UDA. It depends on how we work to implement what we have agreed on — whether they will be the most suitable partners or not will be seen based on the agenda we will have with them.
If they build this relationship, gel and work together, there is nothing to prevent us from working together to win the next election.
If we feel we were given a raw deal and have not worked well at the end of our arrangement, then we have options to talk to other people.
We have not tied ourselves or our hands to an arrangement that makes it difficult for our party to talk to anyone else in case we are not in agreement with the implementation.
If we feel we have been given a raw deal in terms of development, justice and so on, then we are free to join with other formations.
We are not saying we are not going to work with Ruto because he is one of the options which is there and open for us to continue,” he said.

In the 2027 general election, the prediction may just come to pass as Oburu now sits on the control tower.

By Billy Mijungu

The Swahili-speaking nation of Tanzania has for the longest time appeared lukewarm toward the East African Community (EAC), despite being by every imaginable measure its very essence in language, geography, and historical connection. Tanzania’s foundation, culture, and trade dynamics are deeply intertwined with the EAC spirit, yet politically it has often seemed distant and hesitant to embrace the bloc fully.

Ironically, Tanzania has always leaned more toward the Southern African Development Community (SADC), even though it shares fewer lived ties there. This preference has been used as a political and diplomatic balancing act, a way to counter or influence power dynamics within the EAC whenever regional issues arise. It has been a convenient way to hedge its bets, maintaining regional leverage between its neighbours to the north and allies to the south.

However, the crisis that followed the recent coronation of President Samia Suluhu appears to have shaken that long-standing comfort zone. SADC has been unusually critical, arguing that the election did not meet the standards of fairness and transparency expected within the continental community. In fact, some quarters have gone as far as suggesting that Tanzania should face suspension for the grave electoral violations and continued suppression of political freedoms.

“But isn’t that a little too late?” The rot began long before the coronation, when major opposition figures were denied the right to appear on the ballot. Tanzania’s political posture, often masked as democratic, increasingly resembles a controlled and tightly managed system with limited space for dissent. The opposition has been weakened, civil society is restrained, and freedom of expression is under continuous pressure.

In contrast, the EAC’s response has been more measured, diplomatic, and understanding. It has offered engagement instead of isolation, perhaps a reflection that its approach is more attuned to Tanzania’s historical context and regional importance. For Tanzania, this moment may reveal that its true friends during times of crisis are closer to home than it has previously admitted.

The coming years will test this regional balance even further. Uganda heads to the polls next year, and Kenya follows in 2027. Both nations have their own legitimacy and recognition questions to confront. The EAC has a date with destiny to show that it can nurture democratic accountability among its members or risk becoming a club of rulers instead of responsive states.

These are not the ways of our time. The modern citizen-centric population neither tolerates nor understands poverty, oppression, or deceit. The call for accountability across the region will only grow louder. Smart states must adapt or be swept aside by the new wave of awareness.

By Sandra Blessings

Before the advent of devolution, Kisumu millionaires were made up majorly by the Asian community with pockets of few African business persons filling the gap.

Most of the businesses were owned by the Asians and they determined the Kisumu economy and growth, while the majority of businesses owned by the local community were struggling small scales.

But with the promulgation of the 2010 Constitution and actualisation of devolution, the birth of Kisumu County marked the beginning of a new economy in the lake city.

The election of Jack Nyangungo Ranguma marked a new dawn for Kisumu County that woke up, once a sleepy region, to a vibrant economy.

Ranguma, a respected administrator, turned around the Kisumu economy and, for the first time in the history of the region, emerged several millionaires of all shades in the region.

Ranguma created youth, women, and adult millionaires who, within a short time, revolutionised the city’s economy from the Asian community-driven to the native chartered.

Several businesses sprung up in Kisumu while small-scale traders also benefited from the emerging new economy. Kisumu’s economy boomed and money circulation was high.

But after the 2017 elections, when he lost the seat to Prof Anyang’ Nyong’o, Kisumu has witnessed the dwindling number of Ranguma millionaires, while several business persons have been auctioned over failure to repay loans.

In the 2017 ODM nominations, Ranguma suffered the party’s wrath after the results were declared some 60 kilometres away from the official tallying centre.

Nyong’o was declared winner by County Returning Officer Tom Okong’o at Thurdibuoro Secondary School in Nyakach Constituency after he garnered 164,110 votes against Ranguma’s 91,480.

While in Kisumu at Aga Khan Hall in Kisumu Town, Ranguma was announced the winner by Deputy Returning Officer Richard Kiyondi with 118,934 votes against Nyong’o’s 32,028.

The party gave the ticket to Nyong’o, who eventually won the elections by commanding a decisive lead with 259,493 votes, translating to 63.38 per cent of the votes cast, trailed by Ranguma with 145,790 votes, translating to 35.61 per cent.

In the 2022 general elections, Nyong’o won again, garnering 319,357 against Ranguma’s 100,600 votes. Ranguma braved the strong ODM wave to post a great challenge to the party candidate.

Ranguma is credited for ending the age-long flooding of Kano Plains that annually displaced hundreds of families and destroyed crops and structures.

“For the five years I was the governor, the people of Kano never suffered from floods. We cleared and cleaned the River Nyando basin and did dredging that ensured no flooding,” he said.

After his ouster, floods returned to Nyando, and last November several families were displaced, and the common cry ‘Sirkal saidia sisi’ (government help us) returned to haunt the community.

Ranguma presided over the rollout of devolution to the ward level and initiated the Ward Development Fund by giving each ward Sh10 million.

“I was concerned by the state of our roads in Kisumu County. My priority was to open and murram new roads. During my time, we opened and murramed 1,197 kilometres of road in the county. Most of these roads have today collapsed due to non-maintenance,” he said.

Similarly, Ranguma constructed 74 Early Childhood Development Education (ECDE) centres and gave scholarships to 640 students, while 2,800 others benefited from bursaries.

“I was so passionate about the health of our people. We employed 249 village health workers, and we constructed 172 dispensaries. Some we left to be completed by the new regime. This was a milestone in realising improved health service delivery to our people,” he said.

Ranguma purchased eight ambulances, which were distributed to all the eight sub-counties for medical emergency response.

To ensure Kisumu was a 24-hour economy, Ranguma constructed floodlights in all the 72 large markets in Kisumu County, which he built.

Similarly, he constructed floodlights from Kisumu Boys roundabout to Nyamasaria, and another one from the same point to Kondele.

“I was able to sign a memorandum with a private investor that witnessed the construction of floodlights from Obote Road to Kisumu International Airport,” he said.

Ranguma also presided over the construction of 82 social centres, built 72 large markets and 140 small ones.

“I was able to supply 72 teams with sports uniforms and kits. I am passionate about talent development and that is why we had massive investment in sports,” he said.

During his term, the French government constructed four ultra-modern schools in Kisumu County and also signed the Kenya Urban Project (KUP) contracts that witnessed the modernisation of Jomo Kenyatta Sports Ground, construction of the modern Kisumu Fire Station, rehabilitation of Oile Park and the laying of cabros in Kisumu Central Business District (CBD).

“I was able to donate dairy cows to 32 groups in a bid to spur agriculture and food security in the region,” he said.

Former Chief Officer for Economic Planning, Mr George Akongo, said the administration ensured prompt payment of suppliers and contractors, and this made the economy stable and brisk.

“Ranguma allowed tenders to be given out to all the suppliers and through this new millionaires emerged. Kisumu’s economy was on the upward trend but currently it is fading out,” he said.

By Clifford Derrick, Johannesburg

South Africa joined Kenya and the wider African diaspora on Saturday to celebrate the life of Rt. Hon. Raila Amolo Odinga, CGH, former Prime Minister of Kenya — a freedom fighter whose moral courage and democratic convictions transcended borders and generations.

The memorial and thanksgiving service, held at St Stephen’s Anglican Church in Sunninghill, Johannesburg, brought together diplomats, liberation-era veterans, and faith leaders in a moving tribute that bridged nations and histories.

Presiding over the ceremony, Rev. Father Trevor Prince of St Gabriel’s Anglican Church in Florida described the gathering as “a meeting of faith and freedom — a covenant between the living and the departed.”

Among those present was Lindiwe Sisulu, daughter of South African liberation icons Albertina Sisulu and Walter Sisulu, and long-serving cabinet minister and ANC NEC member. Her quiet presence symbolised a generational continuity between Kenya’s and South Africa’s liberation struggles — a connection later echoed by other speakers.

Moeletsi Mbeki, political economist, thinker, and son of Govan Mbeki (Oom Gov), remembered Odinga as a Pan-African thinker “too busy living Not Yet Uhuru to ever write its sequel.”

Molly Dhlamini of the South African Communist Party, representing the SACP’s Central Committee, praised Odinga’s reconciliation politics and warned that Africa’s economic and cultural freedom remains incomplete. “His seed must yield new struggles — economic, political, and cultural,” she said. “Because indeed, it is not yet Uhuru.”

From Kenya, Ambassador Sunya Orre, Deputy Head of Mission in Pretoria, hailed Odinga as “a living idea — one who taught us that democracy must have a heart, that freedom must be lived, not merely declared.”

The continental tone was reinforced by Dr Efious Farai Mugwagwa of Zimbabwe, who recalled Odinga’s role in guiding the late Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai during Zimbabwe’s power-sharing crisis. “He was a man who thought beyond emotion and ego,” Mugwagwa said. “He always sought what would make nations work.”

The service interwove generations and art forms. Seventeen-year-old Nyaratiro, a Kenyan-South African student, opened with a haunting rendition of “Tears of an Angel.” Later, Emmanuella Seda performed Odinga’s favourite song, “Jamaica Farewell” by Don Williams, while Nigerian musician Emmanuel E.C. performed The Last Post — a military honour rarely accorded to civilians.

The imbongi (praise poet) Andile Stali (Shalom) moved the congregation with his Pan-African eulogy:
“We have seen you walk with Aa Madiba, fed by Winnie Nomzamo Madikizela-Mandela, blessed by Albertina, counselled by Chief Luthuli — the great buffalo having coffee with Kofi Annan, discussing the affairs of the continent.”

Representing the Odinga family, Steve Ajulu — nephew to the late statesman and brother to the late Prof. Rok Ajulu, who was married to Lindiwe Sisulu — thanked South Africans for their solidarity: “South Africa was Raila’s second home. He believed our struggles were reflections of one another — apartheid there, one-party rule here, and the same colonial shadow in between.”

His son, Yieke Ajulu, delivered a heartfelt tribute that drew warm applause: “He taught me that strength is not power, but standing up for others.”

Prof. John Ndiritu of Wits University — an engineer and yogi — then led a reflective meditation, linking Odinga’s training as a mechanical engineer to the spiritual architecture of inner peace. “He engineered not only systems,” Ndiritu said, “but the moral flow of nations.”

Geoffrey Simiyu, representing Kenya’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), read a message from Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna, pledging to preserve Odinga’s ideals as “a covenant of justice, democracy, and inclusion.”

In a moment heavy with symbolism, Rev. Father Trevor Prince noted that the service fell on All Souls’ Day — the day Christians remember the faithful departed. He administered the Eucharist and insisted on The Last Post in honour of Odinga — “a saint in the making,” he said, “for saints are made of people who carry their cross in public life.”

Organisers also reflected on Odinga’s enduring faith and his family’s defiance of colonial naming conventions during his baptism — a quiet act of reclaiming African dignity.

Condolences were extended to Dr Canon Ida Odinga, Rosemary Odinga, Raila Junior, Winnie Odinga, and Dr Oburu Oginga.

As the final hymn rose through the vaulted church, the atmosphere was both sacred and civic — a union of two nations joined by one conscience.

For a moment, the Pan-African spirit breathed again — and the man called Agwambo seemed to whisper from beyond: freedom must not only survive history; it must give it form.

By Anderson Ojwang

A scramble for political alliance with the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) ahead of the 2027 General Elections is likely to begin in earnest.

This is after the acting party leader, Dr Oburu Odinga, in a television interview on Sunday, said ODM was still in the broad-based government arrangement but was open to any suitor ahead of the 2027 elections.

Oburu said currently ODM was in the broad-based government and would watch how the political formation with President William Ruto rolled out ahead of the 2027 General Elections.

The declaration is likely to thaw the current political storm in the party, with one wing vouching for President William Ruto as the party’s automatic presidential candidate or coalition partner, while the other divide wants the party to present its own presidential candidate or negotiate with a possible winning coalition.

The ODM National Chairperson Gladys Wanga, Director of Elections and Minority Leader Junet Mohammed, Alego MP Sam Atandi, Nyando MP Jared Okello, and Migori Senator Eddy Muok, among others, form the pro-Ruto wing.

The other wing consists of ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna, Deputy Organising Secretary Ruth Odinga, and Embakasi East MP Babu Owino, among others.

Oburu said “We have a clear position that in 2027, when the time comes, we will have a pre-election or post-election coalition and we shall discuss.
For now, we are concentrating on staying in the broad-based government, which we have with UDA, and the issues we are tackling are on the 10-point agenda.
We have not moved out of that, and we have not said anything more than that.
If at that time, in 2027, Ruto comes and joins ODM — you know he is a founder member of ODM — and he wants to vie on the party ticket, we will subject him to the rule.”

Oburu said the current arrangement does not speak about the 2027 presidential elections and coalition.

“Once the framework is implemented fully, then 2027 will take care of itself. In 2027, you will see people jostling, and it will be very difficult to form any government in Kenya without a coalition.
Even this government, before we joined it, had parties within it. You will see political parties going for strong formations.
At that time, ODM will be relevant as friends. If it is weak, swallowed, nobody will want to talk to you.
We could join any formation, including UDA. We are going to talk to anybody, including UDA. It depends on how we work to implement what we have agreed on. Whether they will be the most suitable partners or not will be seen based on the agenda we will have with them.
If they build this relationship, gel, and work together, there is nothing to prevent us from working together to win the next election.
If we feel we were given a raw deal and have not worked well at the end of our arrangement, then we have options to talk to other people.
We have not tied ourselves hand and foot to an arrangement that makes it difficult for our party to talk to anyone else in case we are not in agreement with the implementation.
If we feel we have been given a raw deal in terms of development, justice, and so on, then we are free to join with other formations.
We are not saying we are not going to work with Ruto because he is one of the options that is there and open for us to continue.”

Oburu said the party’s position on supporting President Ruto’s second term was yet to be communicated and that those of the party officials and cabinet secretaries were individual expressions.

“Those of us who are in government, like John Mbadi and Opiyo Wandayi, are now part of the administration, and they do not speak for the party.
The President is their boss. They don’t speak for the party, and they resigned from their positions.
Raila Odinga’s official position is concurrent with what the party Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna has been saying.
Which leaders said two terms? CS Opiyo Wandayi, John Mbadi, and the rest resigned when they joined the government.
I have heard Gladys Wanga say ODM will be on the ballot in 2027, and even Junet Mohamed. Maybe there are circumstances where they have said Ruto will be the automatic candidate for 2027 — it could have escaped my attention.
What I know is that these are senior officials of the party, and what I am telling you is the official position. So what Sifuna said, he was right, because that is the correct position, and he is not isolated. This is not the time to remove any member from the party, and Sifuna is doing a good job.
People can speak what they want. They can be excited to speak their own perceptions. The ODM party has a 10-point memorandum which they signed with UDA for them to participate in the broad-based government.
For this, participation in the broad-based government does not talk about 2027. What it talks about is the implementation of people-oriented issues.”

Oburu said he had embarked on reconciling the party and building bridges.

“We are going to build bridges to end the infighting within the party, and that does not mean the party needs to consolidate more.
People will only want to talk to you when you are strong. That is why I am pleading with my people, and I would want to unite them and strengthen ODM,
so that ODM is relevant to acquire power by itself or be part of a coalition with other parties. But we will be in government.
Because there is no political party that is formed to be in the opposition. You try your best to be in the best.”

By James Okoth

The long snaking road to Kang’o Ka Jaramogi has become a river of humanity. From dawn to dusk, they come in their thousands — villagers, students, politicians, clergy, foreign dignitaries — to pay homage at the fresh grave of Raila Amolo Odinga.

It is barely two weeks since his burial, yet the steady pilgrimage to his Bondo home already mirrors the devotion once reserved for saints or liberators. What began as mourning has quietly evolved into a cultural and national ritual — a return, a remembrance, a reaffirmation of the man whose political shadow loomed over Kenya for half a century.

Raila was not made by the system. He fought it, challenged it, bent it to his will. From the cells of Nyayo House to the grand halls of the African Union, the Odinga name became synonymous with resilience.

“He was a man who lived for an idea, not an office,” said a mourner who had travelled from Meru County. “That is why even in death, he draws us here.”

Born into politics but never defined by inheritance, Raila carved his own political destiny. To his followers, he was Baba — the father of modern opposition politics, a master negotiator, an embodiment of Kenya’s democratic struggle. To his rivals, he was a formidable adversary who never stayed silent in the face of power.

From Washington to Addis Ababa, London to Johannesburg, messages of condolence flooded in. Leaders across the globe described him as “the bridge between Kenya’s past and future.” Yet at the core of his story lies something deeply Kenyan — a man who built his stature through grit, intellect, and endurance.

In Luo culture, death is not an end; it is a passage. Mourners return after burial to dance, sing, and celebrate the life of the departed — a rite known as tero buru. Raila’s funeral revived these fading traditions, blending state protocol with ancestral ritual.

In the days following his burial, Bondo has witnessed the essence of this cultural continuity. Bulls are driven around the homestead. Songs of liberation blend with Christian hymns. Visitors bow at the mound where the Enigma rests beside his father, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga — the father of opposition politics before him.

The return to Raila’s grave is not mere curiosity; it is the Luo way of reaffirming life after loss. It is, as one elder put it, “a covenant with our ancestors, that leadership never dies.”

Estimates from local administrators suggest that almost half a million people have already visited Raila’s resting place — an unprecedented figure in such a short time. The narrow village paths are jammed with vehicles bearing number plates from every corner of Kenya and beyond.

The government has quietly reinforced security, while the Odinga family insists the site remains a private homestead, not a shrine.

“Uhuru did not turn Raila’s grave into a shrine,” says a family source. “This is not political theatre. It is people honouring one of their own.”

Raila Odinga’s grave — simple and unadorned — stands as a symbol of humility amid grandeur. Around it, visitors light candles, drop flowers, whisper short prayers. They speak not to a ghost, but to a memory — of struggle, defiance, hope, unyielding faith in a better Kenya.

In the silence of Bondo’s evening wind, one feels the weight of history. The man who marched, was jailed, negotiated, and never stopped believing now rests where it all began. In a deeper sense, he has not left.

The people keep coming. The songs keep rising. The Enigma lives on — not in stone, but in the spirit of a nation still learning to rise from its own ashes.

By Anderson Ojwang

Two decades after its formation and the scheduled 20th anniversary celebration, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) is currently facing an identity crisis and a stormy moment.

The situation has been worsened by the death of the party leader, Raila Odinga, the glue that held the party together. With the appointment of Dr Oburu Oginga as the acting party leader, the slide is gaining momentum.

Oburu, the Siaya Senator, is one of the key architects of the broad-based government that brought together President William Ruto and Raila during the Gen Z demonstrations.

Oburu, the negotiator, now finds himself in the mix and must wriggle himself out to steady the ship and not preside over the death of his younger brother’s party.

At the weekend, a section of ODM party officials and members read from different scripts on the joint parliamentary candidates for the by-election.

While Deputy President Kithure Kindiki and ODM National Chairperson Gladys Wanga viewed the parliamentary candidates as broad-based candidates, the other camp, led by ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna and Deputy Organising Secretary Ruth Odinga, said the candidates must identify with the ODM party.

Interestingly, Kisumu Governor Anyang’ Nyong’o and his Siaya counterpart, James Orengo, have remained tight-lipped on the ongoing issues in the party.

Nyong’o was appointed the acting party leader last year when Raila contested for the African Union (AU) chairperson seat, but later handed over the seat to Raila after he failed in his bid.

Orengo was previously opposed to the broad-based government but was boxed into supporting the alliance, and with the demise of Raila, he has maintained his stealth silence.

Wanga said “We have agreed as a broad-based team where we have a UDA candidate; that is the broad-based candidate. In Malava, Kasipul, Magarini, and Ugunja.”

But in a swift rejoinder, Sifuna said “Baba told us to keep our identity. My party is ODM and the symbol is orange. We must keep that identity.
Some people are telling us that the by-elections for this November have candidates for the broad-based. Broad-based is not a political party. Because it is not a political party, it doesn’t have candidates.
You people have worked hard to secure votes and there are voters who walk to the polling station without knowing the name of the candidate but only know the party.
There are those who go to vote because of Baba and the chungwa symbol. I want to vote for the orange candidate.
Kindly tell me which is the colour and symbol of the broad-based, so that when a voter comes and says he wants to vote for a broad-based candidate, where do you take him?
We don’t have a broad-based candidate. It is not a party. Leaders should not bring confusion to voters.”

Ruth echoed Sifuna’s statement, saying “Tomorrow we are going to Magarini. We are going as Orange. There is no party called broad-based. Even in Malava, they have a UDA candidate. They go there as UDA.”

Migori Senator Eddy Muok hit back at Sifuna, saying “I don’t understand the Sifuna who writes, signs, and reads documents on behalf of ODM and commits us to broad-based in the morning, and then postulates in the evening on the non-existence of broad-based.”

Nyando MP said “Mr President, we as a community are now certified orphans. I have never seen any orphan giving conditions. Therefore, our quest to work with you and lend you our support is both unequivocal and unconditional. We will stand with you because of what you have done.”

The bickering in ODM has split the party into two camps, with Governor Wanga leading one wing that includes MPs Sam Atandi, Jared Okello, Elisha Odhiambo, Phelix Odiwuor Jalang’o, Senator Eddy Muok, among others.

The other wing is led by Sifuna, Ruth Odinga, and Babu Owino, and has the support of Caleb Amisi, among others.

Ker Odungi Randa said the party should not split, as that would be a betrayal of the party leader, the late Raila Odinga.

“We must ensure the party remains united and maintains its identity. We know what Raila wanted for the party, and we must live up to his ideals,” he said.

President Ruto has maintained that he will not allow ODM to be destroyed by some quarters who want it for selfish ends.

So, when President Ruto spoke at Kango Ka Jaramogi during the burial of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, where he said ODM will either form the government or be in a coalition that will form the government, the statement stirred a political reaction in the party.

“I know I am the leader of the UDA party in the Kenya Kwanza Coalition. I want to assure you, ODM, in Raila’s desire, he built the largest political party—ODM. I want to promise that we will respect ODM and support ODM to hold together.
ODM must be strong as we go to 2027 because that is how we will have a strong government. Political parties are the foundations of any meaningful democracy. Therefore, the future of ODM, the strength of ODM, and the welfare of ODM matter a great deal to me.
That is how we are going to have a strong nation—by having strong and vibrant political parties.
I want to assure you that ODM will form the government or form part of the next government. What I cannot allow, in honour of Raila, is for those who want to remove ODM and use it for their own selfish gains.”