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CHESUMEI’S POLITICAL BATTLEGROUND: 2027 PARLIAMENTARY RACE HEATS UP

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By Remmy Butia

A Constituency in Political Flux

As Kenya gears up for the 2027 general elections, Chesumei Constituency in Nandi County is emerging as one of the most fiercely contested parliamentary battlegrounds. With the current Member of Parliament, Hon. Paul Biego, facing challengers from every ward in the constituency, the political landscape is fragmented and highly competitive.

Kiptuiya Ward: The Legacy Challenger

· Primary Aspirant: Nandi County Assembly Speaker Hon. Philimon Melly enters the race with significant name recognition, potentially benefiting from his performance at the County Assembly. This performance-based appeal may influence Chesumei voters seeking proven leadership.

Kaptel/Kamoiywo Ward: The Local Favorite

· Primary Aspirant: Hon. Basi campaigns with strong local mobilization, encapsulated in the rallying cry “Incoming people’s representative”. This ward-level enthusiasm suggests Basi has cultivated a dedicated support base that could translate into significant votes.

Chemundu/Kapngetuny Ward: Strategic Split

· Aspirants: Former MP Hon. Wilson Kogo and Hon. Bett both vie for this ward’s support.
· Recent Political Shift: The ward recently elected Hon. Vincent Kiplimo as its Member of County Assembly (MCA) through a by-election, making him “the youngest MCA in Kenya at the age of 23”. This youthful leadership at the county level may influence parliamentary preferences, particularly if younger voters seek generational change.

Kosirai Ward: The Poll Leader

· Aspirants: Hon. Chepkesio and Justice Chieftain (Hon. Erick Korir) compete here.
· Notable Advantage: Justice Chieftain emerged as “the most preferred candidate” in a recent online poll for Chesumei Constituency ahead of the 2027 elections. This early indication of voter preference could provide significant momentum, though online polls have limitations in capturing broader electorate sentiment.

Lelmokwo/Ngechek Ward: The Incumbent’s Stronghold

· Aspirant: Hon. Paul Biego, the current MP, represents his home ward.
· Strategic Position: As the incumbent, Biego leverages the advantages of office but faces the challenge of anti-incumbency sentiment. His performance in this ward will be critical to his re-election prospects.

Key Factors Influencing the 2027 Race

  1. Incumbency Advantage and Disadvantage

Hon. Paul Biego benefits from visibility and resource allocation capabilities as the sitting MP. However, he faces the considerable challenge of multiple opponents coordinating to divide the anti-incumbency vote. His record over the current term will undergo intense scrutiny, with challengers likely highlighting unmet promises or development gaps.

  1. The Youth Vote and Generational Shift

The election of 23-year-old Vincent Kiplimo as MCA in Chemundu/Kapngetuny signals a possible generational shift. Younger candidates like Justice Chieftain and Basi may capitalize on this trend, especially if they successfully mobilize first-time voters and those dissatisfied with established political figures.

  1. Party Machinery and Coalition Dynamics

Kenya’s political landscape suggests party support will be crucial. The reference to “deep-state candidates” hints at the behind-the-scenes political engineering that may influence Chesumei’s race, particularly regarding which aspirants receive establishment backing.

  1. Development Record vs. Promises

Candidates will likely emphasize contrasting platforms: incumbents pointing to tangible projects delivered, while challengers highlight areas needing improvement. The reference to performance justification in another race suggests development records will be central to campaign messaging.

Strategic Analysis and Predictions

Potential Runoff Scenario

With multiple strong candidates including the poll-leading Justice Chieftain, the deeply entrenched Hon. Basi in Kaptel/Kamoiywo, former MP Hon Kogo and the incumbent Biego, a first-round outright winner seems unlikely if votes split along ward loyalties. The candidate who can transcend their ward base will have a decisive advantage.

Critical Swing Areas

Chemundu/Kapngetuny Ward, with its two aspirants and recently elected young MCA, may emerge as the deciding battleground. How Wilson Kogo and Bett navigate their competition – whether they split the vote or one emerges dominant – could determine which frontline candidate benefits.

Online Momentum vs. Ground Game

Justice Chieftain’s online poll advantage provides valuable early momentum but must be converted into physical votes through traditional campaigning. In contrast, Hon. Basi’s apparent grassroots strength represents the opposite approach – building from the ground up without necessarily leading in early visibility metrics.

Chesumei Constituency’s 2027 parliamentary race represents more than just a contest between individuals – it reflects evolving voter preferences, potential generational change in leadership, and the complex mathematics of multi-candidate races in Kenya’s single-member constituencies. With challenges to the incumbent arising from every ward, the outcome will likely hinge on which candidate can build the most effective coalition across ward boundaries while maintaining passionate support in their home base.

The emergence of a “most preferred candidate” in early polling, the demonstration of youth political engagement through a 23-year-old MCA’s election, and the evident ward-level enthusiasms all point to an engaged electorate prepared to critically evaluate their options. As campaigns intensify, Chesumei’s voters will ultimately decide whether to extend their current representation or embrace one of the several alternatives vying for the opportunity to shape the constituency’s future development trajectory.

Kenya Ends 24-Year COMESA Sugar Safeguard, Steps Boldly Into Open Competition

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By James Okoth

After 24 years under a protective trade regime, Kenya’s sugar industry is finally standing on its own feet. The Government has formally exited the COMESA Sugar Safeguard, marking what officials describe as a “decisive and confident transition” from protection to open competition.

The safeguard, which expired on 30th November 2025, was first granted in 2001 under Article 61 of the COMESA Treaty. It was meant as a temporary measure to help Kenya reform, modernize and stabilize a struggling sugar industry threatened by cheap imports from regional producers such as Egypt, Eswatini and Sudan.

Two decades later, the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development insists the mission has been accomplished. “This is not a sign of vulnerability, but of strength,” the Ministry said in a statement. “Kenya’s sugar sector is stable, well-managed and ready to compete within a fair regional market.”

From Protection to Power

The Kenya Sugar Board, the regulatory agency under the Ministry, has gradually shifted policy focus away from defensive protectionism toward competitiveness, value addition and diversification.

Globally, the sugar industry has long stopped relying solely on refined sugar for revenue. In the world’s most efficient markets like in Brazil, India and Thailand, sugarcane is treated as a multi-product industrial raw material. Bagasse fuels electricity generation, molasses yields ethanol and industrial alcohols and waste fiber becomes packaging materials or paper.

Kenya, too, is taking that route. The Board has been supporting millers to diversify revenue streams, turning by-products into energy and industrial goods, to strengthen balance sheets and stabilize farmer payments. The strategy, officials argue, is already paying off.

“We are moving from protection to productivity,” says a senior industry official. “Diversification shields farmers from global sugar price shocks and ensures millers stay solvent even when sugar prices dip.”

A Rebound in Numbers

Recent statistics paint a picture of recovery. Sugarcane acreage expanded by 19.4 percent, from 242,508 hectares to 289,631 hectares, aided by reliable rainfall, certified seed distribution and targeted fertilizer subsidies.

Production surged by 76 percent, rising from 472,773 metric tonnes in 2022 to 815,454 metric tonnes in 2025. The figures signal not just recovery but renewed efficiency in both farm and factory operations.

With national demand hovering around 1.1 million tonnes, Kenya now produces nearly three-quarters of what it consumes in a vast improvement from the days when local mills supplied barely half the market.

Still, the Ministry concedes that mill capacity expansion, modernization and leasing of old state mills will take time to optimize. Controlled imports will therefore continue, sourced transparently from both COMESA and approved non-COMESA suppliers to maintain price stability and protect consumers.

A Delicate Balance

Kenya’s post-safeguard era will be guided by a balanced sourcing framework that blends domestic self-reliance with regional cooperation. Officials acknowledge that while population growth is driving up demand, regional sugar surpluses remain unpredictable.

The government plans to manage imports cautiously, enough to ensure stable prices but not so much as to undercut local millers. “Our approach is about balance, fairness and predictability,” the Ministry affirmed.

At the heart of this balance is the recognition that sugar is not just an agricultural commodity but an economic ecosystem, feeding into power generation, biofuel production, employment and rural development.

From State Mills to Private Energy

Kenya’s sugar reforms have also been institutional. The long, controversial leasing of state-owned mills like Mumias, Chemelil, Nzoia, Muhoroni and Sony to private operators, is now seen as a turning point rather than a retreat.

The leases, granted for long terms, were designed to attract private investment, restore professionalism and insulate the industry from political interference. By providing millers time to stabilize operations, government hopes to replace decades of inefficiency with sustainable, commercially driven management.

Critics had argued that exiting the safeguard would expose farmers to unfair competition. But the Ministry maintains that policy support, market coordination and farmer protection will remain intact through the Kenya Sugar Board’s oversight.

An Industry Reborn

The exit marks the end of an era and the beginning of a new one defined by competitiveness, innovation and integration. Over 24 years, Kenya’s sugar sector has passed through eight safeguard extensions, each with strict COMESA benchmarks: investment in productivity, tariff-rate quotas and factory rehabilitation.

Those conditions have now been met. The Government’s move signals confidence that Kenya can finally compete on equal footing within the regional free trade area.

Economist Dr. Timothy Njagi of Tegemeo Institute calls it “a rare example of a successful industrial transition.” He notes that Kenya’s sugar industry, once deemed chronically dependent on protection, now has a credible roadmap toward self-sufficiency and even export potential.

The Sweet Horizon

In the medium term, Kenya expects to achieve and surpass self-sufficiency, transforming from a deficit importer into a competitive regional supplier.

But officials are quick to caution that the sector remains sensitive to climate variability. Periods of drought may temporarily reduce yields, while good rainfall seasons will lift output, factors already incorporated into national planning.

“This is not the end of reform,” an official at the Kenya Sugar Board says. “It is the beginning of competitiveness. Protection helped us build; now we must prove we can stand.”

Kenya’s exit from the COMESA Sugar Safeguard is more than a policy milestone but a declaration of industrial maturity.

After two decades of protection, reform and restructuring, the country’s sugar industry is ready to face the open market. The government’s message is clear: the age of dependency is over.

As Kenya’s mills hum back to life, farmers earn timely payments and private investors modernize production, the country’s oldest agro-industrial sector may finally be turning its sweetest page yet.

Stop shedding crocodile tears, Azimio La Umoja volunteer group tells Junet over presidential agents in Central Kenya as the storm rages on

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By Anderson Ojwang

The storm is raging, and Azimio La Umoja Secretary General Junet Mohammed finds himself in an unfamiliar situation, with a volunteer group asking him to stop shedding crocodile tears and instead own up.

This comes hot on the heels of ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna’s demand for an audit of the 2022 presidential campaign, in which he accused Junet of misappropriating agents’ money.

The Azimio La Umoja Volunteer Board, through one of its members, Ronny Raburo, wrote, “You know what, we are just too strong watching Junet cry crocodile tears and chest thump…”

Raburo, who met the late Raila Odinga at breakfast ahead of the elections over the emerging issue of presidential agents in Central Kenya, said the former Prime Minister tasked Junet to urgently handle the matter.

Raburo said that two days to the eve of polling day, while attending the last agents’ training at the Kenya School of Law in Karen, they were informed from the ground that there was not a single agent in all the Central Province polling stations for IEBC briefing, and they sensed trouble.

At the breakfast meeting, after detailing Raila on the emerging situation in Central Kenya, he directed Junet to handle the concerns raised by the group.

Raburo had met Raila over concerns that in the Central region, the presidential candidate did not have agents.

“Raila called Junet and told him to handle our issue as a matter of urgency. We went downstairs with Junet to meet with Julie Nabweara and Jackie (members of the volunteer board), after our brief on the situation in Central Kenya.

Junet gave me his number to call him later in the day to meet him at the Kenya School of Law, Karen. Junet is yet to receive my calls to date,”he wrote.

The group had made a fallback plan just in case Azimio presidential agents fell short in any area, noting that they were ready to send volunteers who were present across the entire country to cover the gaps.

Sifuna lit the fire after accusing the Secretary General of Azimio La Umoja of misappropriating agents’ funds and bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s bid to become the fifth President of Kenya in the August 2022 elections.

Sifuna, speaking at a funeral in Mt Kenya, demanded a thorough audit of the 2022 presidential campaigns.

Equally, Sifuna also accused the party’s Director of Elections, Junet Mohammed, who was the Secretary General of the Azimio La Umoja Coalition, of bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s campaign by failing to pay presidential agents.

“The day we will start the audit of the 2022 elections, it is good you have started the debate. Let everyone say their contributions in the 2022 general elections.”

Sifuna accused Junet of derailing Raila’s presidential bid and blamed him for Azimio La Umoja’s failure to form the government.

“Some people feasted on then President Uhuru Kenyatta’s money. I know, as the Secretary General, the huge chunk of money we used in the campaigns came from Uhuru Kenyatta.

You were eating Uhuru’s money instead of paying agents and allowed Wamunyoro (Rigathi Gachagua and President William Ruto) to defeat us.”

Sifuna said Uhuru bankrolled Raila’s campaign and wondered why Junet had now turned against him.

“Uhuru Kenyatta supported Raila’s campaign in all manner. But now there is one man, Junet Mohammed, who has woken up from sleep and realised how Uhuru Kenyatta’s money is now bad.

I want to ask Junet Mohammed, when did Uhuru Kenyatta’s money start to be bad? Those days you used to take Uhuru’s money, and some you didn’t bring to the party, and some you squandered,”he said.

However, Junet denied the accusations and instead placed the blame on former President Uhuru Kenyatta, whom he accused of appointing his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta, to manage the agents.

He said Uhuru released the agents’ funds to his brother and not to the secretariat.

“The answer is simple, clear and verifiable: former President Uhuru Kenyatta released the funds meant for election agents to his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta,” he said.

Junet said Muhoho Kenyatta appointed one Mr Patrick Mburu to take charge of the recruitment and payment of agents.

“Mr Mburu presented himself as an IT expert, claiming he had the capacity to detect and prevent any manipulation of results by the IEBC.”

Junet claimed that at the time, Muhoho Kenyatta operated from an office in Westlands that was so restricted that even Raila Odinga, the party’s presidential candidate, could not access it freely.

“It is from this office — out of bounds for nearly all of us — that they claimed to handle the agents’ payments and other logistics. These are facts, not conjecture. I challenge Uhuru Kenyatta and Muhoho Kenyatta to publicly deny these facts,” he said.

Sifuna blamed Junet for undermining Raila’s chances of forming the government in the 2022 general election.

“We are now mourning. If it was not for you, we could have formed the government.”

Junet said that once Muhoho took charge, they never procured any agents for Raila Odinga, neither in Mt Kenya nor in Luo Nyanza, describing it as a long con game.

“Let the record also be set straight: Hon Raila Odinga would have had no reason whatsoever to appoint me — Hon Junet Mohammed — as the Leader of Minority in the National Assembly if I had truly betrayed him.

For years, I handled all the delicate assignments from our late dear Party Leader with fidelity and diligence,”he said.

He challenged Uhuru, Muhoho and Mburu to come clean on the matter and deny his claims.

After the general election, the Azimio La Umoja Coalition dismissed allegations that some members of the secretariat squandered money budgeted for agents in the August 2022 elections.

This followed claims that top officials at the secretariat misused the funds, forcing some polling stations to miss out on agents.

Azimio spokesperson Prof Makau Mutua, in a statement at the time, defended Junet, who was on the receiving end of criticism.

“I have seen scurrilous attacks on Junet Mohammed accusing him of misappropriation of campaign funds meant for agents. Let me state without equivocation that Hon Junet was a campaign leader in the field supporting Hon Raila. He at no time handled the money meant for the agents, nor did he have anything whatsoever to do with the management of the agents,” the statement read.

Raila also came to Junet’s defence, saying the Suna East MP did not misappropriate campaign funds.

Raila’s chief agent in the August 9 elections, Saitabao Kanchory, claimed that ODM only listened to one person — Suna East MP Junet Mohammed.

“We could not have lost this election if it were not for three people. The first one is Junet Mohammed, the second is Joe Mucheru and the third is Makau Mutua. These are people I have worked with and respect, but in terms of responsibility, they take the highest responsibility,” he said on NTV.

According to Kanchory, Junet ran a one-man show, and the former Prime Minister sided with everything he said, even when he could clearly see it was wrong.

“The only person Baba would listen to without question was Junet. Even if you had the truth and you told Baba, and Junet came with darkness, Baba would side with Junet,” he said.

“Junet Mohammed is one man who purported to know everything, nullified everything everyone said, and made sure he kept people who could have helped Baba (Raila) at arm’s length. He ensured nobody came close to Baba who would have helped him.”

Somaliland Recognition to Stabilize Global Trade

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Billy Mijungu

By Billy Mijungu

The recognition of Somaliland is no longer a sentimental African debate about borders and history. It is a hard economic and global trade question whose time has come. In fact, Somaliland’s recognition would not only stabilise regional commerce but also significantly contribute to the stabilisation of global trade routes.

Today, the cost of importing a single container is nearly three times what it was before the Yemeni Houthis disrupted shipping routes in the Red Sea. The cost of shipping a small vehicle is now almost double the price of buying the same car in the second-hand market. These are real pressures choking businesses, inflating prices and discouraging investment.

Business thrives on security, accountability and sustainability. Where these three are absent, capital flees. Where they exist, trade flourishes. Israel, despite being at the centre of geopolitical tension, has demonstrated how firm security architecture and predictable systems can stabilise trade flows even within a hostile regional environment. That same logic applies to the Horn of Africa.

Somaliland is strategically positioned and institutionally stable. The Berbera Port offers a viable, secure and efficient trade corridor not only for Somaliland but also for Ethiopia, a 120-million-strong economy desperate for reliable sea access. Unlocking this corridor would power East Africa’s manufacturing, logistics and export potential, creating jobs and lowering the cost of goods across the region.

Somalia, unfortunately, has been slow, indecisive and often inward-looking. Instead of building regional trade infrastructure, it has focused on narrow, short-term political deals on the global stage. The result has been missed opportunity after missed opportunity, while instability continues to repel investors.

Somaliland should be recognised and admitted into the East African Community immediately after Ethiopia. Doing so would redraw the regional business map, anchor trade security and offer East Africa an alternative logistics backbone at a time when global supply chains are under severe strain.

And Somalia must tread carefully. The uncomfortable truth is that continued dysfunction carries consequences. At the slightest provocation, Jubaland could well chart its own path, and further fragmentation would become inevitable. Nations that fail to organise themselves eventually get reorganised by reality.

Trade does not wait for politics. Capital does not negotiate with indecision.

Recognition of Somaliland is not a provocation. It is a solution.

THE SILENT BURDEN

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Kisumu Family’s Struggle with Rare Spinal Deformity in Infant

By James Okoth

Inside a modest home in Kisumu City, the air is thick with both love and worry. A ten-month-old baby boy, the youngest in a family of four, lies quietly in his mother’s arms, his small frame struggling against a condition too complex for his tender age. The diagnosis, kyphosis, is a rare spinal deformity that has disrupted not just his physical growth but also the rhythm of family life.

Kyphosis, a curvature of the spine that causes a pronounced rounding of the back, is more commonly observed in older adults due to degenerative bone changes. In infants, however, it is rare, and when it occurs, it often signals deeper developmental or congenital complications.

For baby [name withheld], the condition has already shown visible effects: difficulty sitting or crawling, and an unusually large head and eyes, signs that have left his parents anxious about what the future holds.

His father, Pastor George Odhiambo Wanyando, recalls the moment doctors at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital delivered the news.

“They told us to go for an MRI and when the results came, they said he has a deformity at the back, kyphosis. I didn’t even know what that meant at first,” he says softly. “But I could see something was not right. He can’t sit properly and his back is curved.”

The family’s heartbreak runs deeper. Pastor Wanyando painfully remembers losing another child to a similar condition in 2020, a tragedy that has left emotional and financial scars. Now, as they face a repeat of that nightmare, the family’s strength is being tested once again.

A Rare and Costly Condition

According to paediatric specialists, congenital kyphosis occurs when the spinal bones do not form properly before birth. It can worsen as a child grows, leading to complications with mobility, breathing and overall posture if not corrected early through surgery.

Treatment, however, comes at a steep price. Advanced imaging, orthopaedic interventions and corrective surgery can cost hundreds of thousands of shillings, well beyond the reach of many Kenyan families.

In Kisumu and across the region, cases like this often go unnoticed, lost in the noise of more common health crises. Yet, for families like the Wanyandos, kyphosis is a daily reality, a condition that demands constant care, financial strain and deep faith.

Faith Amid the Struggle

Despite the hardships, Pastor Wanyando remains grounded in his ministry and hope. A trained social worker by profession, he now spends most of his time tending to his small church and caring for his son. His wife balances hospital visits and household duties, while their older children face their own challenges: the eldest preparing for Form Four, another in Grade Two, and the third in PP2.

“I’m not working now, but I believe God will make a way,” he says. “We just need support for treatment and care. We don’t want to lose another child to the same condition.”

A Call for Help

As the medical team recommends urgent corrective intervention, totalling over Ksh. 1.5 million, the family’s financial ability remains the biggest obstacle. Pastor Wanyando is appealing to well-wishers, friends, churches and organisations to help raise funds for his son’s treatment and surgery.

“Every little contribution will go a long way in helping my son get the medical attention he needs. We need 1.5 million for spinal cord surgery and head surgery,” he says. “We’ve come this far through faith, and I know with your support, my child can live a full and healthy life,” he adds.

The Hidden Faces of Disability

Health experts note that congenital spinal deformities are often underdiagnosed in rural and peri-urban Kenya due to limited access to early imaging and paediatric orthopaedic services. Without timely intervention, many affected children develop lifelong disabilities, yet early surgical correction can dramatically improve outcomes.

The story of the Wanyando family is more than a medical case; it is a window into the silent struggles faced by many families battling rare childhood deformities without adequate support. It is a reminder that beneath the statistics are real lives, small children fighting silent battles and parents clinging to faith in the absence of financial means.

As Pastor Wanyando looks at his son, a soft smile crosses his face, one that hides years of pain and unspoken fear.

“He is a strong child,” he says. “If only we can get him the help he needs, I believe he will live to testify of God’s goodness.”

Dark Secrets of the 2022 Presidential Elections Emerge: Was Raila Set to Fail by His Allies?

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By Anderson Ojwang

The dark secrets of the 2022 Presidential Election in the Azimio La Umoja coalition have burst open, with accusations and counter-accusations emerging.

ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna lit the fire after he accused the Secretary General of Azimio La Umoja of misappropriating agents’ funds and bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s election as the fifth President of Kenya in the August 2022 elections.

But Junet did not take the accusation lying down and instead placed the blame on former President Uhuru Kenyatta, whom he accused of appointing his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta, to manage the agents.

Sifuna, speaking at a funeral in Mt Kenya, demanded a thorough audit of the 2022 presidential campaigns.

Equally, Sifuna also accused the party’s Director of Elections, Junet Mohammed, who was the Secretary General of the Azimio La Umoja Coalition, of bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s bid by failing to pay presidential agents.

“The day we will start the audit of the 2022 elections, it is good you have started the debate. Let everyone say their contributions in the 2022 General Election,” Sifuna said.

But Junet, responding, said Uhuru released the agents’ funds to his brother and not to the secretariat.

“The answer is simple, clear and verifiable: former President Uhuru Kenyatta released the funds meant for election agents to his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta,” he said.

Junet said Muhoho Kenyatta appointed one Mr Patrick Mburu to take charge of the recruitment and payment of agents.

“Mr Mburu presented himself as an IT expert, claiming he had the capacity to detect and prevent any manipulation of results by the IEBC,” Junet said.

Sifuna accused Junet of derailing Raila’s presidential bid and blamed him for Azimio La Umoja’s failure to form the government.

“Some people feasted on then President Uhuru Kenyatta’s money. I know, as the Secretary General, the huge chunk of money we used in the campaigns came from Uhuru Kenyatta. You were eating Uhuru’s money instead of paying agents and allowed Wamunyoro (Rigathi Gachagua and President William Ruto) to defeat us,” Sifuna said.

Sifuna said Uhuru bankrolled Raila’s campaign and wondered why Junet had turned against him.

“Uhuru Kenyatta supported Raila’s campaign in all manner. But now there is one man, Junet Mohammed, who has woken up from sleep and realised how Uhuru Kenyatta’s money is now bad. I want to ask Junet Mohammed, when did Uhuru Kenyatta’s money start to be bad? Those days you used to take Uhuru’s money, some you didn’t bring to the party and some you squandered,” he said.

Junet claimed that at the time, Muhoho Kenyatta operated from an office in Westlands that was so restricted that even Raila Odinga, the party’s presidential candidate, could not access it freely.

“It is from this office — out of bounds for nearly all of us — that they claimed to handle the agents’ payments and other logistics. These are facts, not conjecture. I challenge Uhuru Kenyatta and Muhoho Kenyatta to publicly deny these facts,” he said.

Sifuna blamed Junet for undermining Raila’s chances of forming the government in the 2022 General Election.

“We are now mourning. If it was not for you, we could have formed the government,” he said.

Junet said once Muhoho took charge, they never procured any agents for Raila Odinga, not in Mt Kenya and not in Luo Nyanza, describing it as a long con game.

“Let the record also be set straight: Hon. Raila Odinga would have had no reason whatsoever to appoint me — Hon. Junet Mohammed — as the Leader of Minority in the National Assembly if I had truly betrayed him. For years, I handled all the delicate assignments from our late dear Party Leader with fidelity and diligence,” he said.

He challenged Uhuru, Muhoho and Mburu to come clean on the matter and deny his claims.

“I now call upon Uhuru Kenyatta, Muhoho Kenyatta, Patrick Mburu and Senator Edwin Sifuna to come clean. Kenyans deserve the truth about the handling of agents’ money; who controlled it, who mishandled it, and then decide who cost us the election,” he said.

Sifuna said Junet could not threaten him and must explain his role in the 2022 elections.

“In Nairobi, they say if you get a new sponsor, don’t abuse the one who removed you from the bedsitter,” he said.

But Junet, in his rejoinder, denied misusing the agents’ money and instead said Uhuru released the funds to his brother, who should be answerable.

“To date, Mr Mburu remains an aide of Uhuru Kenyatta. Just this past weekend, Mburu travelled to Nigeria in the company of Uhuru Kenyatta and Kalonzo Musyoka — clear evidence that he is not a peripheral figure in these matters,” Junet said.

After the General Election, the Azimio La Umoja Coalition dismissed allegations that some members of the secretariat squandered money budgeted for agents in the August 2022 elections.

This followed claims that top officials at the secretariat misused the funds, forcing some polling stations to miss out on agents.

Azimio spokesperson Prof Makau Mutua, in a statement then, defended Junet, who was on the receiving end of criticism.

“I have seen scurrilous attacks on Junet Mohammed accusing him of misappropriation of campaign funds meant for agents. Let me state without equivocation that Hon. Junet was a campaign leader in the field supporting Hon. Raila. He at no time handled the money meant for the agents, nor did he have anything whatsoever to do with the management of the agents,” the statement read.

Raila also came to Junet’s defence, saying the Suna East MP did not misappropriate campaign funds.

Raila’s chief agent in the August 9 elections, Saitabao Kanchory, claimed that ODM only listened to one person — Suna East MP Junet Mohamed.

“We could not have lost this election if it weren’t for three people. The first one is Junet Mohamed, the second is Joe Mucheru and the third is Makau Mutua. These are people I have worked with and respect, but in terms of responsibility, they take the highest responsibility,” he said on NTV.

According to Kanchory, Junet ran a one-man show and the former Prime Minister sided with everything he said, even when he could clearly see it was wrong.

“The only person Baba would listen to without question was Junet. Even if you had truth and you told Baba and Junet came with darkness, Baba would side with Junet,” he said.

“Junet Mohamed is one man who purported to know everything, and he nullified everything everyone said and also made sure he kept people who could have helped Baba (Raila) at arm’s length. He ensured nobody came close to Baba who would have helped him.”

The establishment of Kenya National Convention Bureau will position the country as a leading MICE tourism destination and boost the economy, says ICCA

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By Anderson Ojwang

The recent Cabinet approval of the Kenya National Convention Bureau (KNCB) will position the country as a destination and is a move in the right direction.

Mr Frank Murangwa, the International Congress and Convention Association (ICCA) Regional Director, based in Rwanda, said it was important for Kenya to have the right team to make the Bureau productive to the country’s agenda.

He said if the Bureau is handed the right structure and strategy, it would position Kenya as one of the leading MICE tourism destinations on the continent.

“In 2014, Rwanda took the right step to create a bureau. The country had limited data, but currently the Bureau has stabilised the country on data and information, and Rwanda is ranked second on the continent,” he said.

He said the Bureau should work with departments such as Utalii College to position the country on the continent and in marketing the country.

Murangwa said Kenya has what it takes to make the Bureau robust through private sector participation and that Kenya should be a leading destination on the continent.

“My role is to support destinations in growth. The MICE industry is a powerful tool to countries, and the move by the Kenya Government was the right one in the right direction,” he said in an interview.

He said the more the Bureau becomes functional, the more business it brings to the country, and that the team must get it right.

“Convention bureaus have been supporting their countries in growth, and that is why established ones have impacted positively on growth and contributed to the economy,” he said.

He said the decision by the Kenya Government to establish a bureau was a welcome move for the continent and that ICCA works with new convention bureaus by helping in their set-up.

Chief Executive Officer of Utalii College, Mr Mark Rachuonyo, said the establishment of the Bureau was a milestone and provides the country, and Africa’s hospitality training institution, Kenya Utalii College (KUC), with the opportunity to be the key link in nurturing and equipping personnel.

He said the institution was equipped and focused on providing specialised training in the travel sector on meetings, incentives, conferences and exhibitions (MICE), a lucrative part of business travel that brings large groups together for professional, commercial and networking purposes.

“The KNCB, which intends to position the country as a leading hub for meetings, incentives and exhibitions (MICE), is in tandem with the country’s Tourism Master Plan,” he said.

Kenya Utalii College has for several decades been training personnel in the tourism and hospitality sector, and the establishment of the Bureau provides the institution with the opportunity to be the training centre.

The Kenya Convention Bureau is expected to offer a wide range of services, including:

“Pre- and post-bid support – handling requests for proposals and bid promotion.

Sourcing of suitable venues, accommodation, professional conference organisers, destination management companies and other industry supplier options.

Hosting and co-ordination of site inspection visits. Advice on marketing and sponsorship.

Delegate boosting support. Advice on the social and legacy components of the event.

Pre- and post-tour and incentive group travel advice and supplier connections.

Provision of promotional material, including guides, destination videos and other collateral.”

Kenya Convention Bureau’s client support services include:

“Destination expertise, advisory services, bid support, delegate boosting, site inspection visits, event planning support, on-site event services and pre- and post-meeting itineraries.”

Rachuonyo said the Bureau will co-ordinate the planning, marketing and delivery of international conventions and events, ensuring the country maximises both economic and diplomatic benefits from hosting major regional and global gatherings.

“The National Convention Bureau is crucial for capitalising on the MICE sector’s potential. The Bureau will act as the central driver of Kenya’s business events strategy, fostering collaboration with stakeholders and attracting international business events and association congresses that will advance Kenya’s MICE agenda as a key driver of tourism and overall economic growth,” Cabinet Secretary for Tourism Rebecca Miano said after the approval.

Miano added that the initiative aligns with Kenya Vision 2030 and the Tourism Sector Master Plan, both of which identify MICE tourism as a high-growth area.

She noted that the decision to award Kenya the 2026 Tripartite Summit reflects growing confidence in the country’s institutional readiness to host high-level international events.

“The operationalisation of the Kenya National Convention Bureau is a strategic milestone for our tourism and events ecosystem. It provides a dedicated structure to attract, co-ordinate and deliver large-scale international conferences and summits, and the 2026 Tripartite Summit is a strong affirmation of this renewed capacity,” Miano said.

She added that the summit will strengthen Kenya’s diplomatic profile while unlocking substantial economic opportunities through business tourism.

“MICE tourism is a high-value segment with wide-ranging multiplier effects. Delegates contribute significantly to hospitality, transport, creative industries and small businesses, while supporting skills development and job creation across the value chain,” she explained.

Miano said revenues generated from MICE tourism contribute to wildlife conservation and sustainable tourism initiatives, reinforcing Kenya’s commitment to balancing economic growth with environmental stewardship.

“As we prepare to welcome the world in 2026, the Kenya National Convention Bureau will be at the forefront of showcasing our readiness, professionalism and commitment to sustainable, world-class event hosting,” she said.

COUNTY GOVERNMENT OF KISUMU TO REPATRIATE BODY OF DR. GEORGE RAE FROM SOUTH KOREA

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By James Okoth

The County Government of Kisumu has confirmed that arrangements for the repatriation of the late Dr. George Rae, who passed away in Seoul, Republic of Korea, on 26th December 2025, have been finalised.

Dr. Rae, a distinguished medical practitioner and key health adviser to Governor Prof. Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o, died while on duty abroad. He was instrumental in resource mobilisation and in shaping Kisumu’s health policy and development agenda, earning wide respect for his commitment to improving healthcare delivery both within the county and nationally.

In a statement, the County Government said it had fully settled all hospital and mortuary expenses in Seoul amounting to 59.003 million Korean won, as well as the total cost of transporting Dr. Rae’s body back to Kenya.

Following consultations with the bereaved family, the remains of Dr. Rae will depart Seoul on Monday, 5th January 2026, at 11:00 p.m. (Korean Time) aboard an Emirates Airlines flight via Dubai and are expected to arrive in Nairobi on Tuesday, 6th January 2026, aboard Emirates Flight EK 719. The family has requested that the body be received and temporarily held in Nairobi as burial arrangements are finalised and communicated in due course.

Governor Prof. Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o, on behalf of the County Government and the people of Kisumu, conveyed heartfelt condolences to the family, friends and colleagues of Dr. Rae, describing him as “a pillar of professionalism and public service whose legacy will forever inspire dedication and excellence in healthcare.”

The Governor assured the family of the County Government’s continued support throughout the mourning period, noting that Kisumu has lost one of its most visionary and selfless sons.

Truth and Lies about Oburu’s Presidential candidature as his faction nears pre-election pact with President Ruto

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By Anderson Ojwang

The recent declaration by the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party leader, Dr Oburu Odinga, that he was the party presidential candidate has left more questions than answers.

Similarly, what are the truths and lies in the declaration, and could Oburu be only a conveyor belt used to achieve the political objective and just a pawn in the larger political dynamics?

And the Oburu-led wing is now ready to sign a pre-election pact with President William Ruto ahead of the 2027 presidential election, which could leave the party sharply divided.

The Mahanya declaration mandated Oburu to engage President Ruto in a pre-election negotiation pact.

Oburu’s appointment as Interim Party Leader

Why did the party’s National Executive Council (NEC), in appointing Dr Oburu, ignore Kisumu Governor Prof Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o, who acted while the late Raila Odinga was away on an AU campaign, and the democratic space they alluded to?

Lies

“We believe in unity of purpose and a stronger democratic party and a party that must live on for many years to come. With this regard, the NEC has designated the Senator of Siaya County, Dr Oburu Odinga, to be the acting party leader until the time top party organs will meet and elect a substantive party leader to fit the big shoes that have been left by our party leader,” the NEC statement read.

Truth

The appointment of Oburu as the party leader was masterminded by a hidden powerful hand outside the ODM power structure, which currently calls the shots in the party.

Oburu told reporters, “When we were receiving the body of Raila at the airport and the party had just met at 6.00 am in the morning, the NEC and somebody just came and whispered to me when I was still in shock that, do you know what the NEC has done? You have been appointed as the interim party leader.

I was so shocked. How did they appoint me at this time, when I am still in this state? Then they told me to think about it. They have nominated you to be the one. I feel I am the most sober in the circumstances and I am trying to sober myself, in terms of experience. Which other people match mine?”*he said.

Suba South MP Caroli Omondi said a mysterious hand was pulling strings in the ODM.

“There was a very quick transition even before Baba’s body arrived. When Mzee Oburu announced that he had accepted to be the party leader, he said he did not even know that there was a process to make him party leader.

What that implies is that the call came from somewhere else, and that worries me a lot. This is because it therefore seems that ODM is getting direction and control from somewhere else,” he said.

Oburu as the automatic ODM presidential candidate

According to Oburu and ODM Director of Elections Junet Mohammed, by virtue of Oburu being the party leader, he is the automatic party presidential candidate.

Lies

“I am the presidential candidate for ODM if ODM decides that it goes it alone. So anybody who is preparing himself to go for the presidential election in ODM, I think it is misplaced. If they want to go for presidential candidacy, they should look for another party. The presidential candidacy is already decided. The Constitution says the presidential candidate is the party leader, who is the automatic presidential candidate for ODM.”

Truth

In 2007, after the formation of ODM, Raila was the party leader, but he faced William Ruto, Musalia Mudavadi, Joe Nyaga and Najib Balala for the party nominations and won before he was declared the presidential candidate.

According to ODM party rules, a party member shall take part in elections through voting and be eligible for party and national elections at all levels upon nomination.

The National Delegates Conference (NDC) is mandated to nominate the party’s presidential candidate for the election of the President of the Republic of Kenya.

ODM and UDA coalition

And the Oburu-led faction is now ready to sign a pre-election pact with President William Ruto after the party’s Vice National Chairman, Otiende Amollo, said Oburu would lead the negotiations and that he would prepare documents for signing. This dims any hope of a possible Oburu appearance on the presidential ballot in 2027.

Lies

ODM has still not decided whether to go it alone or enter into a coalition with President Ruto in 2027.

Oburu said, “Before the end of 2026, we will have clearly known our path and made the necessary arrangements going into 2027. Before the end of the year, we will know if we are going it alone or making coalitions with other parties, and we shall by that time have known who we are going with.”

Truth

Energy Cabinet Secretary Opiyo Wandayi said, “Going forward, let us hurry and develop a pre-election agreement between ODM and UDA. The negotiation will be headed by Oburu for ODM, while UDA will be headed by President Ruto. The Mahanya declaration is that Oburu should start negotiations with Ruto immediately.”

Otiende said, “We will engage in pre-election negotiations when we are led by Dr Oburu Oginga, and my work as an advocate after an agreement is to prepare the documents. I will do that right away. During the document preparation, we will ask the President not to take away the seats he had already allocated to us, but to give additional ones.”

In the late ODM party leader Raila Odinga’s powerful statement before his death, he said that the party needed everyone and that his heir apparent did not have to come from his Luo community.

“The party needs Hassan Joho, Edwin Sifuna, Abdulswamad Nassir, John Mbadi and everyone. That is the clean face of ODM. Not to say we the Coast, we say it is Joho, while from Western it is Wycliffe Oparanya. Those from Nyanza say when Raila leaves, his post must be inherited by a person from Nyanza. That is cheap politics,” he said.

But now the party is slipping and splitting right in the middle, with one wing led by Oburu and the other by Sifuna and Siaya Governor James Orengo.

Austerity Measures and Reduced Domestic Borrowing Will Power Growth in 2026

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Billy Mijungu

By Billy Mijungu

Kenya’s economic growth trajectory in 2026 will largely depend on the discipline the Government adopts and push austerity measures to a new and more deliberate level as a strategic reset of how public resources are deployed.

Government spending on travel, must be reoriented. International travel should be reduced to strict necessity, while local travel must be tightly controlled. Excessive travel allowances and non essential movements have become a drain on public finances. Redirecting funds toward productive sectors yields far greater economic returns.
The State must develop a clear strategy to significantly reduce reliance on privately owned property leases. Many leases have become loopholes for pilferage and rent seeking. Where possible, government agencies should lease space from government owned entities, or leverage the Housing Fund to develop and allocate office space to deserving agencies not only cut costs but also bring long term value to public assets.

Critical is the management of government fuel and oil cards, one of the most abused areas of public expenditure. Without strict controls, real time monitoring, and accountability, daily leakage of resources continues unchecked. Tightening fuel management systems would immediately save billions and improve operational efficiency.
Local travel costs also demand scrutiny. Kenya has reached a point where every senior official seems to require helicopter transport for routine engagements. This culture of excess must end. Road and rail transport should be prioritized where feasible, reserving air travel for genuine emergencies or strategic needs.

Beyond austerity, the national budget must adopt a more social and productive outlook rather than an overly capitalistic one. Energy costs remain a major bottleneck to growth. The Government should expand electricity subsidies to drive down production costs. Targeting power prices to just a few cents per kilowatt hour would stimulate manufacturing, encourage investment, reduce the cost of goods, and make Kenya more competitive. Affordable fuel and cooking gas are equally essential to lowering the cost of living.

Finally, county aggregation and industrial centres must be fully operationalized. These centres can anchor cottage industries, support value addition, and create local jobs across all cadres, directly and indirectly, combined with fiscal discipline and reduced domestic borrowing, they can become engines of inclusive growth.

Austerity, when applied intelligently, will free resources, restore confidence, and lay the foundation for sustainable growth in 2026 and beyond.