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NO GOONS WILL OPERATE UNDER MY WATCH, VOWS KISUMU COUNTY COMMISSIONER

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By James Okoth.

Kisumu County Commissioner Mohammed Ramadhan has declared that criminal gangs and goons will not be allowed to operate anywhere within Kisumu County during his tenure.

“Resist goonism, and there will be no goonism in Kisumu,” Ramadhan said.

He spoke after a high-level County Security Committee meeting chaired jointly with Prof. Anyang Nyong’o, the  Governor of Kisumu county; resolving to implement immediate and decisive measures to enhance public safety, strengthen surveillance and eliminate criminal elements across the county.

Reading a six-point joint county security committee communiqué, County Commissioner Mohammed Mwabudzo said the committee had resolved to regulate security at political meetings and public gatherings while eradicating goonism. He emphasized that the government would not condone the use of unregulated security groups and would continue providing adequate security, upon request, for lawful political functions and activities across the county.

“We will streamline the public transport sector and sensitize matatu operators to ensure the sector remains safe and accessible to all citizens. The county government, in close coordination with public transport SACCOs and national security agencies, will launch a joint operation to weed out criminal elements,” the communiqué stated.

Mwabudzo further announced that the County Government would revoke the licences and permits of businesses found to be involved in criminal activities. He added that intelligence gathering and proactive policing would be strengthened through the establishment of formal Village Security Committees and Neighbourhood Security Committees across the county.

According to the communiqué, the committees will serve as structured liaison mechanisms between local communities and national security agencies, helping to build public trust and ensure swift responses to emerging security threats at the grassroots level.

The council also resolved to leverage modern technology to enhance urban security. The County Government, working with the National Government, will deploy an expanded CCTV surveillance network, with high-definition cameras strategically installed in residential estates and key public areas to support real-time monitoring and aid law enforcement in identifying, tracking and prosecuting criminal offenders.

To address insecurity associated with poorly lit areas, the county government will accelerate the maintenance and installation of high-mast and street lighting. Priority will be given to crime hotspots, informal settlements and major transport corridors to improve public safety, deter crime and support economic activity during evening hours.

Mwabudzo reiterated that both the County Executive and the National Government security agencies would maintain a zero-tolerance approach to lawlessness.

“These resolutions take effect immediately, and implementation teams have already been deployed across all sub-counties to enforce the agreed measures,” he said.

The meeting was attended by the entire County Security Committee, including Kisumu Governor , members of the County Executive Committee, led by County Secretary Hesborn Hongo, and senior national government security officials.

The emergence of ODM millionaires: Where is the source, who is the funder, and why?

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By Anderson Ojwang

The demise of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) Party leader Raila Amolo Odinga has turned the party into an overnight millionaire club.

From a financially cash-strapped party, due to over Sh12 billion debt owed to the party by the government and previously depending on donations and contributions from members, ODM has undergone an overnight transformation.

Similarly, the majority of ODM leaders who struggled to contribute even Sh100,000, but were known to contribute between Sh10,000 and Sh20,000 at fundraisers, are currently donating millions at these events.

Last weekend’s show of the millionaire club by a section of ODM leaders at a function in Siaya and Migori, where most of the contributions were in millions and up to Sh10 million in cash announced, marked a new financial dispensation.

Raila’s contributions

From the late Raila’s sampled contributions, the range was between Sh100,000 and Sh200,000, and only went as high as between Sh1 million and Sh2 million on very special and rare occasions.

Raila, before his death, gave Sh10 million to Gor Mahia Football Club.

During his era, ODM members and leaders struggled with donations and contributions during fundraisers.

But his demise opened a new valve for money flow into the party that has never been witnessed in the last 20 years. Currently, ODM swims and bathes in money.

The “Tunataka Pawa” Era

The new party leader, Dr Oburu Oginga’s era, has ushered in the moment of “tunataka pawa” and money is power.

This explains why the embattled Secretary General Edwin Sifuna sounded the alarm over heavily free-flowing money in the party.

Kisumu Women Representative, Ruth Adhiambo Odinga, early in the year raised the alarm over the free-flowing money in the ODM party, which was undermining its unity and activities.

Adhiambo wondered where the free-flowing money currently being witnessed was coming from and for what purpose.

Ruth wondered where the huge amount of money currently being used by the party was coming from.

“But we are seeing a situation where a lot of money is flying around, and there appears to be a deliberate approach to commit the ODM party into a coalition agreement more than a year to the next general elections. Where is the money coming from? Is it in the Budget and Appropriations Committee at the National Assembly? I know that the government has not given ODM party money. So where is all the money coming from?” she asked.

Insatiable love for money

Cabinet Secretary Wycliff Oparanya expressed concern over the love for money in the party that could damage its own foundation.

Oparanya early in the year lamented how the insatiable love for money was destroying the party and going against the grains and principles of the founder leader, the late Raila Amolo Odinga.

“Lakini nikiona ile inaendelea kwa ODM, na mimi nimekuwa karibu sana na mweshimiwa marehemu Raila Amolo Odinga (When I see what is currently happening in the ODM party, and I was very close to the late Raila Amolo Odinga), nauzingika sana. Niki ona wale… mambo ya pesa imeharibu viongozi. Viongozi anaenda hapa anaongea jambo lingine, akitoka hapa kwa sababu amepewa pesa, kichwa imechanganyika (I am shocked. Money has destroyed the leaders. A leader goes to one place and says one thing, and shortly after says a contradictory thing. Money has destroyed the minds of our leaders). Aongea mwingine kwa sababu ya pesa (They talk because of money). Haya mambo, naona saa hii sikuona wakati wa marehemu Raila Odinga. Raila alikuwa mtu wa msimamo. Akisema jambo ni hilo (This was not a matter predominant during Raila’s time. Raila had a stand),” he said then.

The arrival of choppers

Currently, the airspace of Nyanza is busy with choppers flying over from Siaya to Migori, to Busia and Kakamega, and then back to Nairobi.

Unlike Raila, who mostly used commercial flights and the road, the Oburu era is airborne on most occasions.

It has become a chopper parade at most functions attended by the Oburu-era ODM leaders and MPs.

The millionaires

Last Saturday in Migori, Suna East Constituency, in a record time of 45 minutes at the women’s economic empowerment programme, Sh35 million was realised. It was a mixed grill, with UDA caps and attire competing with those of ODM for space and dominance.

For instance, the MPs take home approximately Sh1 million to Sh1.5 million depending on the mileage, and in the recent past, MPs from Nyanza have been holding and attending fundraisers, dishing out hundreds and millions of shillings.

For instance, the Suna East fundraiser witnessed MPs TJ Kajwang’ give Sh100,000, Paul Abuor give Sh100,000, while Peter Masara, Tom Odege, and Fatuma Mohammed each donated Sh200,000.

Alego MP and Chairman of the Budget Committee Sam Atandi gave Sh1 million, while Governor Wanga and Ochilo Ayako each gave Sh1 million.

Dr Oburu gave Sh2 million, while Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi gave Sh1.5 million. Junet Mohammed, the area MP, gave Sh10 million, and another Sh10 million came from President Ruto.

The Sh200 million Kisumu rally

The recent Kisumu rally consumed a whopping Sh200 million for mobilisation and planning of the event. Unlike before, during Raila’s time, where the expenditure was way far below, the “Tunataka Pawa” era is all about moneyed events.

Kisumu Senator Prof Tom Ojienda opened the lid to the inside story of how the party leadership used millions to ferry people to the rally.

Ojienda said Members of County Assembly from Kisumu were each given Sh100,000, while the MPs were given between Sh500,000 and Sh600,000 for the same.

For instance, Kisumu County Assembly has 42 MCAs, which translates to Sh4.2 million, while there are seven constituencies; at Sh600,000 each, that comes to Sh4.2 million, totalling Sh8.4 million.

Apart from Kisumu, Migori, Homa Bay, and Siaya were also expected to bring people to the rally, and all were bankrolled for the meeting, running into millions of shillings.

This was just the first avenue through which funds were channelled, including the county party office and the sub-branches.

Ojienda said: “I know the MPs were given, I think, between Sh500,000 and Sh600,000 to bring people to the rally.”

The ODM party leader, Dr Oburu Oginga, in a recent interview with a local TV station, said the government had released Sh200 million for their operations.

The Sh200 million has also brought differences in the Linda Ground faction over its usage and threatens to divide it further after Linda Mwananchi of James Orengo, Babu Owino, and Edwin Sifuna bolted out.

He said ODM gave out facilitation for the rally because the party seems to be in a strong and sound financial standing.

Ojienda said there were people mobilised from Kisumu, Siaya, Migori, and Homa Bay, and the party had to mobilise.

Raila’s grave

In Raila’s grave, he could be turning, watching how his treasure is being destroyed and money wreaks havoc on his legacy.

Winnie Odinga, the daughter, aptly captured it: “I didn’t see the death of my father coming. And even before I could recover, I saw the destruction of what he had built and treasured so dearly by those he had entrusted. I felt so much pain.”

In an explosive interview, Winnie talked about the desecration of the party’s creed.

Winnie raised the red flag over the desecration when she alluded to the fact that ODM was not formed from the comfort of pillows and bedroom talks but from the streets in fighting for social justice, and that is what Raila stood for.

“I raised the statement out of concern that certain people and certain quarters were trying to achieve something which necessarily doesn’t stand for the creed of the ODM party and perhaps want to take advantage of the situation for their own gain,” she said.

It is party time while it lasts. Before the taps dry and the funder vanishes into thin air as mysteriously as he came.

The throne: Orengo in tactical move to reclaim political birthright

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By Anderson Ojwang

Linda Mwananchi leader James Orengo has after 32 years moved to reclaim and actualise the dream of the doyen of opposition, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, as the heir apparent.

In December of 1993 in Ugenya at a function, Jaramogi, in reference to Orengo as the potential heir to the throne, referred to then Ugenya MP as “Nyathi punda” (foal) in a symbolic reference.

In the meeting, Jaramogi was preparing the community for Orengo’s takeover after his exit, and that was why in 1994, before he died, he summoned the fiery MP to his bedside at Kisumu Aga Khan Hospital.

Orengo, who was then in Nairobi, after the summons arrived at Kisumu Airport at 4.00 pm and was driven straight to the hospital.

Upon his entrance, the elated Jaramogi requested the three people who were with him, including his doctor, the late Dr Odhiambo Olel, to give them room to allow them to discuss important matters.

And Jaramogi last breathed in Orengo’s hand.

The 1980s moment

In the 1980s, was a critical political moment in Jaramogi’s life, and he relied heavily on Orengo as his legal and political advisor.

Orengo even tried to register a political party for Jaramogi and the late George Anyona for the 1988 elections, but the Registrar of Political Parties declined the request.

In the absence of the late Raila Amolo Odinga in detention, Orengo became the new ‘son’ to Jaramogi, and that was why he fondly referred to him as a foal.

The Ford

In Jaramogi’s political arrangement, he had envisaged Orengo’s takeover of the party as the apparent heir apparent.

This explained why, at his death, the majority of MPs who were his close allies, including the late Prof Ouma Muga among others, sided with Orengo to defeat Raila in the party election for the post of Vice Chairman.

In the battle over Ford Kenya leadership, Orengo enjoyed the support of MPs, party members, and youths.

In the battle, Orengo and the Chairman, the late Wamalwa Kijana, outwitted Raila, who subsequently resigned from his Langata parliamentary seat to contest on the now-defunct National Development Party (NDP).

In the 1997 general elections, Orengo successfully defended his Ugenya seat against Raila’s wave, which swept nearly all his allies in Ford-K.

The Mageuzi Movement

Orengo formed the Mageuzi Movement as a national outfit and rivalled NDP’s hold on Nyanza politics.

During that moment, Nyanza and Kisumu specifically witnessed political rivalry between Orengo and Raila.

In the 2002 general elections, Orengo contested for the presidency on an SDP ticket, and the Narc wave not only swept him to the sea but also cost him the Ugenya parliamentary seat.

The reunion

The reunion of Raila and Orengo changed the political discourse of the region and the country. Orengo became to Raila what he was to Jaramogi.

Orengo became Raila’s lead counsel and confidant until his death in October last year.

The mantle fight

The death of Raila occasioned a political vacuum in ODM and Nyanza. In a strategic move, a section of the top party officials elevated Siaya Senator Dr Oburu Oginga to the position of party leader.

But the lethargic Oburu soon ran into problems with the Orengo-led faction, Linda Mwananchi.

Orengo declared himself the de facto party leader to the chagrin of Oburu, who dismissed the move.

Orengo has dominated and monopolised his political battles with the Siaya Senator, edging him out to the periphery. Orengo and Oburu first clashed over the ODM ticket for the Siaya senatorial seat.

Currently, Orengo is leading the onslaught against Oburu over the pre-election coalition and the party leadership.

Orengo has managed to isolate Oburu from his close relatives, including Kisumu Women Representative Ruth Odinga and niece Winnie Odinga, over the coalition.

But Oburu’s elevation has not been rosy, with Orengo appearing once again to challenge his leadership. Orengo is currently part of the faction, Linda Mwananchi, which is opposed to the pre-election coalition pact with President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA).

Oburu leads the Linda Ground faction, which has been traversing the country but is facing a serious challenge from Orengo, ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, and Babu Owino-led Linda Mwananchi, which is gaining momentum.

Oburu also hit out at Orengo for trying to lead the community away from the broad-based government.

No record of struggle

Orengo recently dismissed Oburu as one who has never been at the forefront of political struggle, and that is why Raila became the heir to the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

“Oburu has never been on the political front, never tasted teargas, and is not capable of leading ODM,” he said.

He said despite Oburu being born into a political family, he is mostly in the background, and this is why he has been on the periphery.

“Oburu was born in a political family. Most of his father’s life he was in the political background. He never tasted teargas. He has never been inside a police station. It was not by accident that Raila was the true heir.”

The battle for Nyanza

After the death of Raila, Orengo had his eyes on controlling Nyanza politics, and with Embakasi East MP Babu Owino, they have destabilised the status quo.

Orengo has constantly rattled Dr Oburu and ODM National Chairperson Gladys Wanga’s hold on Luo leadership with a series of rallies and meet-the-people tours.

The recent successful Linda Mwananchi rally in Kisumu rattled and changed the political status quo and threw Linda Ground into three weeks of planning to hold last week’s rally.

Linda Ground used Sh200 million to mobilise for the rally, while Orengo’s rally was organic, as he continues to receive a warm reception across Nyanza on his tours.

At the recent Kisumu rally, Dr Oburu told the crowd that he was ready to quit as the ODM party leader to avoid dividing the Luo community, to the chagrin and dismay of his allies.

“An ok ahero gima ilaro ma pogo oganda (I don’t like things people fight over that divide the community). An adwaro ni gimora amora ka oponi an ema de apog oganda to ayie weyo (If it’s me who is bringing division to the community, I am ready to quit). Ka pon ni an ema de apog ogandawa to ayie weyo (If it’s me who is the cause of division, then I am ready to quit).”

Orengo also gave conditions for his reconciliation and negotiation with Dr Oburu to avert the party from splitting.

The Cabinet

Orengo’s Siaya cabinet is composed of his allies and has weeded out Oburu’s point persons.

That was the first mantle capture and left Oburu in the political cold in matters of Siaya county governance.

Has Jaramogi’s will finally been met in Orengo’s leadership, or will Oburu stop him?

Climate Finance Needs Visibility: How PPP Models Can Turn Climate Ambition into Bankable Investment Pipelines

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By Olendo Simon Okola
Founder, Agenda Beyond Borders | Climate Finance, Project Finance & MEAL Specialist

Climate finance is no longer a side discussion in development. It has become a central issue in infrastructure planning, public investment, private capital mobilisation, climate resilience, and global economic transformation. Yet, in many developing countries, climate finance remains poorly packaged, poorly communicated, and weakly structured.

The challenge is not only that climate finance is insufficient. The deeper challenge is that many climate projects are not visible, bankable, measurable, or structured in a way that attracts serious public and private capital.

This is where Public-Private Partnership models become important.

At COP29, countries agreed to increase climate finance for developing countries to at least USD 300 billion annually by 2035, while also calling for efforts to scale finance from public and private sources to USD 1.3 trillion per year by 2035. Climate Policy Initiative estimates that climate finance flows reached USD 2 trillion in 2024, but average annual needs from 2025 to 2030 stand at about USD 7.8 trillion.

This gap cannot be closed by grants and public budgets alone. The future of climate finance will depend on how well governments, counties, municipalities, development finance institutions, investors, and technical advisors can convert climate needs into investment-ready projects.

Climate Finance Must Move from Policy Language to Project Pipelines

Many countries have climate policies, Nationally Determined Contributions, national adaptation plans, and green economy strategies. These are important, but investors do not finance policy statements. They finance structured opportunities.

A climate project becomes financeable when it answers practical investment questions. What climate problem is being solved? What asset or service is being financed? Who will build, own, operate, maintain, and transfer the asset? What revenue model will repay the investment? Who carries construction, demand, currency, political, technology, and climate risks? What measurable mitigation or adaptation outcomes will be delivered?

This is where PPP models become powerful.

A climate-smart PPP is not simply a contract between government and a private company. It is a structured partnership that combines public purpose, private capital, technical expertise, risk-sharing, long-term service delivery, and measurable climate impact.

The World Bank identifies several PPP contract structures, including BOT, BOOT, BOO, DBFOM, concessions, and related models, each allocating ownership, financing, operations, maintenance, and transfer responsibilities differently.

Why PPP Models Matter in Climate Finance

Climate finance is not just about finding donors. It is about selecting the right financing and delivery model for the right climate asset.

A solar power project may require a Build-Own-Operate model supported by a long-term Power Purchase Agreement. A water treatment plant may require a Build-Operate-Transfer model. An electric bus system may require an availability-based concession. A public lighting project may require an energy efficiency PPP or energy performance contract.

This distinction matters because each model allocates risk and responsibility differently.

A BOT — Build-Operate-Transfer model allows a private partner to build and operate an asset for a defined period before transferring it to government. It can work for water treatment, irrigation, waste management, and transport infrastructure.

A BOOT — Build-Own-Operate-Transfer model gives the private partner ownership rights during the concession period before transfer. It is useful where the investor needs stronger control over the asset during the project life.

A BOO — Build-Own-Operate model is common in renewable energy projects where private developers build, own, and operate assets while selling power through long-term contracts.

An IPP/PPA model is especially relevant for solar, wind, geothermal, and other power generation projects where an Independent Power Producer sells electricity to an off-taker under a Power Purchase Agreement.

A DBFOM — Design-Build-Finance-Operate-Maintain model is suitable for infrastructure where the private partner manages the full lifecycle of the asset.

A concession model allows a private operator to deliver a public service under regulated terms, often recovering costs through tariffs, government payments, or availability payments.

The key lesson is clear: climate finance does not flow simply because a project is green. It flows when a project is structured around the right revenue logic, risk allocation, delivery model, and measurable climate impact.

Global Examples of Climate Finance PPP Models

South Africa’s Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme is one of Africa’s strongest examples of climate finance through a PPP-style procurement model. It is best understood as a BOO/IPP model, where private developers finance, build, own, and operate renewable energy plants, while government provides the procurement framework and long-term offtake structure. Since its launch, the programme has mobilised about USD 16 billion in private investment for 79 renewable energy projects totalling 5,243 MW.

Morocco’s Noor Ouarzazate Solar Complex demonstrates a BOOT solar PPP model. Noor Ouarzazate I was structured as a Build-Own-Operate-Transfer PPP, allowing private participation in financing, ownership, operation, and eventual transfer within a public-led renewable energy strategy. This model is suitable where government wants strategic control over climate infrastructure but still requires private capital, technology, and operational expertise.

Egypt’s Benban Solar Park is a strong example of a BOO/IPP model under a long-term PPA framework. ACWA Power notes that its Benban PV IPP project involved a 25-year Power Purchase Agreement with the Egyptian Electricity Transmission Company. This shows how policy clarity, bankable offtake, and investor confidence can unlock large-scale renewable energy investment.

Kenya’s Lake Turkana Wind Power project is best understood as a BOO-style IPP/SPV model. The project sells electricity to Kenya Power under a 20-year Power Purchase Agreement, while the transmission component required separate public infrastructure planning. The lesson is important: renewable energy PPPs must be planned as systems, not isolated generation assets.

Bogotá’s electric bus programme shows that climate PPPs are not limited to power generation. Electribus in Colombia is an availability-based PPP concession, providing 259 electric buses to TransMilenio under concessions running to 2035 and 2036, with operations handled through a separate contract. This model is useful for electric mobility because payments can be linked to asset availability and service performance rather than passenger fares alone.

Brazil’s municipal LED street lighting PPPs also offer practical lessons for African counties and municipalities. IFC and CAIXA supported municipalities to structure public lighting PPPs, with LED replacements capable of reducing energy consumption by about 60%. These smaller climate-smart PPPs are highly relevant for counties, schools, hospitals, markets, and municipalities because verified energy savings can help repay investment.

What This Means for Kenya and African Counties

Kenya and many African countries have strong climate needs and major green investment opportunities. These include renewable energy, water harvesting, climate-smart agriculture, clean cooking, green housing, electric mobility, agroforestry, waste management, resilient schools, climate-smart markets, and county-level adaptation infrastructure.

However, many of these opportunities remain invisible because they are not packaged into bankable pipelines.

Counties should not wait for climate finance to arrive as a grant. They should begin by identifying priority climate assets and classifying them according to suitable PPP models. Which projects can generate user fees? Which can generate energy savings? Which require availability payments? Which can attract carbon revenue? Which require blended finance? Which can be structured as concessions? Which need donor-funded project preparation before private capital can enter?

This is how counties move from climate vulnerability to climate finance readiness.

The New Role of Climate Finance Advisors

The next generation of climate finance professionals must go beyond proposal writing. Proposal writing is important, but it is not enough.

A serious climate finance advisor must understand project finance, PPP structuring, blended finance, ESG, carbon markets, adaptation metrics, public investment planning, risk allocation, and local development priorities.

The advisor must help governments and organisations identify climate-relevant assets, select suitable PPP models, design measurable impact indicators, structure partnerships, prepare bankable documentation, and communicate the investment case to donors, lenders, investors, communities, and public institutions.

Climate finance that is not visible cannot attract partnerships. Climate impact that is not measured cannot attract confidence. Climate projects that are not structured cannot attract capital.

Conclusion

The global climate finance conversation is shifting. It is no longer enough to say that developing countries need support. The new question is: where are the bankable projects, who is ready to implement them, how will risks be shared, and how will impact be measured?

PPP models are not a magic solution. Poorly designed PPPs can become expensive, exclusionary, and politically contested. However, well-structured climate-smart PPPs can unlock private capital, accelerate technology transfer, improve service delivery, and deliver measurable climate outcomes.

For Africa, the task is urgent and strategic. We must make climate finance visible. We must package climate needs into investment-ready opportunities. We must build institutions that understand both public value and private capital. We must move from climate vulnerability to climate finance readiness.

The countries, counties, and organisations that master this transition will not only receive climate finance. They will shape the future climate economy.

About the Writer: Olendo Simon Okola is the Founder of Agenda Beyond Borders, a climate finance, project finance, MEAL, and resource mobilisation consulting firm that supports governments, counties, NGOs, CBOs, private sector actors, and development partners to design, package, finance, implement, and measure climate-smart development programmes. Through Agenda Beyond Borders, he provides advisory support in climate finance readiness, PPP structuring, donor mapping, proposal development, ESG positioning, carbon markets, MEAL systems, and impact reporting. His work focuses on helping institutions move from climate vulnerability to investment readiness by making projects visible, bankable, measurable, inclusive, and attractive to public and private finance.

United opposition in jitters as Gachagua’s DCP in scramble for Mt Kenya with Matiang’i’s Jubilee

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By Anderson Ojwang

Mt Kenya, which is expected to be pivotal in next year’s presidential election, is rumbling and opening up for a scramble which may undermine opposition unity.

Already the battle between former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and Jubilee Party presidential candidate Dr Fred Matiang’i is causing jitters in the united opposition.

The presence of Matiang’i in Mt Kenya politics has rattled Gachagua’s game plan to have his party, DCP, as the dominant player in the region, but the revival of former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party is causing discomfort.

What is cooking

Jubilee’s Deputy Party Leader Jeremiah Kioni has claimed that Gachagua’s main threat was Matiang’i and not President William Ruto and his UDA party in Mt Kenya.

This could be because Gachagua’s preferred candidate is Wiper Leader Kalonzo Musyoka, while Uhuru prefers Matiang’i, and this could be causing collision.

Kioni said: “The biggest enemy of the DCP party is not Ruto, it is not UDA, but it is Matiang’i. That we have already got it from that side. So we must defend our party and we must defend Matiang’i.”

The Ol Kalou fallout

The Ol Kalou parliamentary by-election has opened the united opposition unity test, and they have faltered, with Kioni claiming Gachagua has discarded the initial agreement.

“A good example is Ol Kalou. The issue was this, and this was the agreement, and I sat in the office when this decision was made. The united opposition had agreed that if we have a by-election in this country, the party that is holding that position, and if it is within the united opposition, that is the party that will be supported by all the parties,” he said.

He said Gachagua changed the script and demanded that the DCP party candidate should be the one to be supported because his party was the most popular one in the country at the moment.

“We did it in Mbeere, and when it came to Ol Kalou, we told DCP that we apply the same formula. DCP said they were the most popular party in the country and Jubilee must give way,” he said.

Internal cannibalism for survival

The scramble for elective posts in Mt Kenya could lead to internal cannibalism in the united opposition and create room for a major fallout within the ranks.

“I will be laying that you, DCP, are fighting not UDA but Jubilee. We have a candidate, and he is working hard,” he said.

Kioni said currently the political parties were fighting for survival in Mt Kenya and other parts of the country.

“It is no longer us just fighting UDA, but your own political survival. If that is the gear of fighting your own political survival, then how do we ensure we do not disappoint Kenyans?” he said.

He said Kenyans were not in the field of political survival but in the field of who among the presidential candidates they field against President Ruto.

“But don’t give us your worst or sacrifice the best for political expediency,” he said.

Kioni said the presidential contest should not be used to resolve personal disputes but as an avenue to give Kenya new leadership.

“On the table are issues of hate, bitterness, experience, among others. Which of these attributes do you want to present to Kenyans? Kenyans do not want to come and help one achieve his personal greed,” he said.

No boardroom decision

Kioni said Kenyans will not allow forced boardroom decisions that were not in tandem with the nomination of a presidential candidate for the united opposition.

“Don’t sit in a boardroom and think Kenyans have given you a mandate. None of the people sitting in the boardroom was elected to sit there. You went into the boardroom and locked yourself,” he said.

He said more probable presidential candidates were emerging and should be allowed space in the nomination of a joint presidential candidate.

“Do not lock others out thinking they don’t have a voice. Until the other day, ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna was not in the room, but now you cannot lock him out. There is time, and more people are coming up,” he said.

Kioni said the united opposition should copy the 2002 script and allow Kenyans to make the choice.

“The setting we saw in 2002 is what we envisage to come up with. If the decision is made by six or ten and announced by the most popular person, we are likely to have a fallout,” he said.

DCP game

After resigning from his party, the United Democratic Alliance (UDA), Gachagua unveiled DCP, through which he hoped to face President Ruto.

Through the party, Gachagua first hoped to lock out Ruto from the vote-rich Mt Kenya to deny him a second term of his presidency.

“We will stop at nothing to make Kenya a better place, with good governance and leadership in place. The people of Kenya have unfinished business with you. I have a date with you in August 2027,” he said then.

Gachagua’s game was to make the party popular and the fulcrum in the country’s politics at all levels.

“We took the challenge. I made a promise to you that in May 2025, I will unveil a new political party. I have kept my word. We finally have a political party that belongs to us. We believe that every citizen must be listened to by the leaders. As the party leader, I will listen to the people; I will continue to listen to their voices. This is the biggest political movement in the country since 1963,” he said then.

The anniversary and the double-edged sword

The decision by Gachagua to skip the Gen Z anniversary presented him as a double-edged sword to the opposition in next year’s general elections.

From one perspective, Gachagua could be the engine to drive the opposition to victory against President William Ruto, while on the other, he could be the soft belly in the opposition’s failure.

Last Thursday’s Gen Z anniversary exposed Gachagua’s weakness, which may haunt the opposition in the 2027 general elections.

Gachagua’s no-show at the anniversary should be a wake-up call to Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka, Siaya Governor James Orengo, former Chief Justice David Maraga, and opposition leader Martha Karua of a similar trend in the future.

The anniversary also laid down Gachagua’s script, which he may be playing close to his chest by consolidating Mt Kenya to have the majority of members of the National Assembly and Senators, and be able to negotiate with whoever becomes the President.

King of Mt Kenya

The move by Gachagua to replace DCP founding Secretary General Hezron Obaga with Nyandarua Senator John Methu and other founding officials with his close allies showed a glimpse of his game plan.

“Senator John Methu, for all practical purposes, is a member of DCP, and he will start acting from today as the Secretary General designate and be the spokesperson of the DCP party on all matters starting today,” he said then.

In Gachagua’s script for Mt Kenya is the power arrangement formula with governors elected on the DCP ticket.

Under the DCP model, governors elected on the party ticket would cede half of all appointive positions to the party, allowing Gachagua to reward loyalists and maintain grassroots control.

“Governors elected on the DCP ticket will have an agreement with us. Half of the positions will come to the party so we can take care of our people who contested but did not win,” Gachagua said.

This is a script Gachagua has borrowed from the former ODM leader, the late Raila Odinga, where his close allies were absorbed in counties in which ODM won the gubernatorial race.

The mountain continues to rumble, and Gachagua and Matiang’i will up the stakes over control. Will Uhuru’s preferred candidate, Matiang’i, prevail, or another 2022 circus?

Kisumu County Assembly approves County Government budget of Sh14 billion

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By Hope Barbra

The Kisumu County Government budget of Sh14,460,638,805 has been approved.

The County Assembly of Kisumu on Tuesday approved the Kisumu County Budget Estimates FY 2026/2027 amounting to Ksh14,460,638,805, setting the stage for the implementation of programmes and projects aimed at accelerating socio-economic development in Kisumu County.

The House also approved the Kisumu County Appropriations Bill, 2026 – which authorises expenditure of public funds.

After lengthy and insightful debate, Hon. Members of the County Assembly adopted a motion on approval of the Budget and Appropriations Committee report on the proposed budget estimates, moved by the Committee Chairperson and Kondele Ward Representative Hon. Joachim Oketch.

The approved budget comprises a total Share of National Revenue amounting to Ksh11,942,344,932 and Own Source Revenue of Ksh2,334,293,893.

Recurrent expenditure is Ksh8,544,312,367, comprising Personnel Emoluments at Ksh5,548,779,614 and Operations and Maintenance at Ksh2,995,532,753.

Development Expenditure has been allocated Ksh5,916,326,438, while Ksh587,358,284 has been allocated to pay pending bills.

When he appeared before the Budget Committee during interrogation of departmental budget proposals, Kisumu Governor Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o urged the County Assembly to prioritise allocation of resources towards high-impact development interventions, particularly in the Health and Infrastructure sectors, with emphasis on the completion of ongoing flagship projects.

Accordingly, the budget has prioritised completion of ongoing projects, operationalisation of completed facilities, clearance of pending bills, and implementation of high-impact flagship programmes and projects.

The approved budget underscores the County Assembly’s commitment to robust oversight, prudent management of public resources, transparency, accountability, and the realisation of sustainable development for the people of Kisumu County.

Speaker of the Assembly Hon. Elisha Jack Oraro thanked the Members for robust debate and approval of the budget estimates, as well as the Kisumu County Appropriations Bill, 2026.

He appreciated members of the public for providing feedback during public participation and submitting memoranda on proposed budget estimates.

The Bill will now be sent to the Governor for assent before being gazetted.

John Kamais Wins Kabete Open, Goes Top of KAGC Standings

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BY PHILLIP ORWA

Nakuru Golf Club’s John Kamais claimed the 2026 NCBA Kabete Open title on Sunday, sealing his second victory of the Kenya Amateur Golf Championship (KAGC) season at VetLab Sports Club.

Kamais carded a one-over-par 73 in the final round to finish on a three-over-par 219, following earlier rounds of 74 and 72. His consistent display saw him remain in contention from the opening round and fend off a strong field of 130 golfers from across East Africa.

The victory follows his triumph at the NCBA Kiambu Open earlier this season and sees him rise to the top of the KAGC Order of Merit standings with 736 points after 13 events, overtaking Muthaiga Golf Club’s Jay Sandhu, who now moves to second on 630 points.

For his victory, Kamais received Sh115,600 from the tournament’s Sh500,000 prize purse.

Speaking after lifting the trophy, Kamais said: “I’m delighted to win the NCBA Kabete Open. It’s one of the toughest tournaments on the KAGC calendar, so to come out on top against such a strong field is very satisfying. I stayed patient throughout the three rounds, trusted my game, and I’m happy it paid off. Going top of the Order of Merit gives me confidence heading into the next stretch of the season, but there’s still a lot of golf to be played.”

VetLab Sports Club’s Ebill Omollo finished second after closing with a one-over-par 73 for a tournament total of six-over-par 222. The NCBA Coronation & Bendor Trophy champion, who was among the title contenders throughout the week, earned Sh69,400 for his runner-up finish.

Third place was shared by Jay Sandhu of Muthaiga Golf Club and VetLab’s Kushagra Sharma, who both finished on eight-over-par 224. Sandhu posted rounds of 81, 71 and 72, while Sharma returned rounds of 74, 78 and 72. Each received Sh40,000.

Speaking after the championship, Kenya Golf Union Vice-Chairman Jonathan Marucha praised the quality of competition witnessed throughout the tournament and the continued growth of the KAGC circuit.

“The NCBA Kabete Open once again demonstrated the high standard of amateur golf we continue to witness on the KAGC circuit. The quality of competition has been exceptional, and it’s encouraging to see both established players and emerging talent consistently raising the level of the game. As we head into the Coast Open and the Kenya Swing, we expect the competition to become even more intense as players battle for valuable Order of Merit and World Amateur Golf Ranking points. We thank NCBA for its continued support, which has been instrumental in strengthening the amateur game and providing golfers with quality competitive opportunities throughout the season.”

Following the Kabete Open, the KAGC circuit now heads to Nyali Golf & Country Club for the NCBA Coast Open next weekend, from July 3 to 5.

Attention will then shift to the highly anticipated Kenya Swing, beginning with the Limuru Open & Brackenhurst Trophy at Limuru Country Club from July 17 to 19, followed by the Kenya Amateur Stroke Play Championship at Royal Nairobi Golf Club from July 23 to 26, before concluding with the Kenya Amateur Match Play Championship from July 30 to August 2.

The Swing tournaments are expected to play a decisive role in the race for the KAGC title, with valuable World Amateur Golf Ranking (WAGR) and Order of Merit points on offer as players battle for supremacy in the second half of the season.

Mary Oketch appointed as Jakimba’s Parliamentary Campaign Contact and the Chief Focal Strategist

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By Habil Onyango

As the country prepares for the General Elections on August 10, 2027, prospective candidates are intensifying their campaign efforts to ensure electoral success.

Many leaders, including presidential aspirants, have begun mobilising resources and reaching out to voters as the much-anticipated election date approaches.

According to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), official campaign activities are scheduled to begin on May 29 and will conclude on August 7, 2027, just 48 hours before Election Day.

In a bid to establish a robust grassroots campaign, Silas Jakakimba, a parliamentary aspirant for Suba North, has appointed Mary Oketch – a communication consultant – as the head of his Parliamentary Campaign Contact and Chief Strategist for team “Dayat.”

Jakakimba, who previously served as the Personal Assistant to the late Prime Minister Raila Odinga, has popularised the Luo slogan “Dayat nyaka loki,” which translates to “Diet must be changed.”

This slogan embodies a grassroots movement in Suba North aimed at the urgent implementation of a new Development Software and Leadership Impetus essential for advancing the constituency’s growth and overall development.

“I, John Silas Jakakimba, a parliamentary aspirant for Suba North Constituency in Homa Bay County, Republic of Kenya, hereby appoint Mary Oketch as my Parliamentary Campaign Contact and Chief Focal Strategist for team ‘Dayat nyaka loki,'” Jakakimba announced.

He emphasised that Oketch will be directly responsible for the overall planning, coordination, management, and execution of his campaign activities as the team gets underway.

Her responsibilities will include overseeing the development and implementation of team “Dayat’s” campaign strategies, coordinating grassroots volunteers, managing communications and media engagement, and handling stakeholder interactions with relevant political party officials and election agencies.

“This appointment reflects my complete confidence in Mary to lead our Suba North initiatives with professionalism, integrity, attention to detail, and the dedication necessary for a successful electoral outcome across all five wards of Suba North – Lambwe, Gembe, Kasgunga, Rusinga Island, and Mfangano Island – by August 2027,” Jakakimba noted.

“Mary will lead a strong, committed campaign team and will be entirely responsible for the overall planning, coordination, management, and execution of my parliamentary campaigns and related activities as we hit the ground running,” he added in a press statement.

“Her extensive professional expertise, ability to connect with individuals from diverse backgrounds, involvement in successful political campaigns, and leadership experience will be invaluable.”

Jakakimba, who will be running under the UDA flag, currently serves as the Secretary General of the Homa Bay Party branch. He is preparing to face off against the current MP, Millie Odhiambo of ODM, should he secure the party nomination from May 29 to June 11, 2027.

Zoning Standoff

The push for political zoning forms part of a broader and complex political alignment across Western Kenya and Nyanza, where different parties are competing for dominance, voter turnout, and coalition leverage ahead of the elections.

Currently, ODM and UDA are in a Broad-Based Government ahead of the upcoming General Elections, with both parties making demands to support President William Ruto’s re-election campaign.

Jakakimba’s decision to run for the Suba North Constituency, situated within Homa Bay County, comes amid calls for zoning, particularly within ODM strongholds.

UDA has made significant strides in Homa Bay, likely challenging ODM candidates and others in the upcoming elections.

“We have established offices across the county, in addition to recruiting members and setting up organisational structures with key figures,” said Silas Jakakimba.

He added that the perceived fear among some ODM leaders in the county might be motivating their calls for zoning, while others oppose the proposal.

Homa Bay Governor and ODM National Chairperson Gladys Wanga strongly supports zoning, asserting that it protects party territories and prevents UDA from unseating loyalist candidates.

Wanga, along with other ODM dignitaries, argues that to ensure Ruto’s re-election, UDA should refrain from fielding candidates in areas currently held by ODM.

Moreover, they demand that positions resulting from any agreement be divided on a 50-50 basis, including a request for the Deputy President position if Ruto runs for the presidency.

Wanga emphasised the importance of securing Homa Bay’s political landscape for the ODM party.

Wanga argues that Homa Bay is an ODM stronghold and asserts that they will not allow any other political party to gain a foothold in the region. She has declared that the county, along with the broader Nyanza region, is firmly an ODM area and that they will not tolerate opposition, specifically warning against UDA’s infiltration.

Wanga emphasised that any coalition agreement with UDA must include a clear zoning formula that ensures ODM receives a fair and respectable number of seats in regions where it has significant support.

However, Jakakimba believes that ODM leaders should shift their focus towards issue-based grassroots politics. His call serves as a sharp pushback against those ODM leaders who advocate for territorial divisions to exclude UDA.

Jakakimba has however publicly criticised Luo Nyanza MPs for their “selfish” political zoning aimed at stifling competition. He insists that voters should have the right to choose individual leaders based on merit rather than party directives.

Orengo to Wandayi: I removed you from jail over murder charge, I have stood by you, stop being presumptuous

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By Anderson Ojwang

Siaya Governor James Orengo finally felt he has had enough of the Energy Cabinet Secretary Opiyo Wandayi and opened a can of worms on the CS’s past.

Unknown to many, Orengo revealed how he secured Wandayi’s release from jail after he was charged with murder.

“CS for Energy is being very presumptuous. Sometimes, I don’t like going personal. I don’t like talking things about people. But this is a guy I removed from jail. He was charged with murder, and I spent time in court trying to defend him,” he said in a TV interview with KTN.

Orengo said he stood by and supported Wandayi when he wanted to be a Member of Parliament for Ugunja.

“When he wanted to be a Member of Parliament, I stood by him and made sure he got the nomination. A lot of these are claptrap at the end of the day,” he said.

Sweet deal

Orengo said Wandayi and his colleagues in the broad-based government were not driven by love for President William Ruto but by personal interest.

“They have just seen a good deal, and that deal is too attractive. By the way, if they could throw away former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s deal and take Ruto’s deal, who knows? If another deal is on the table, they may just run for it,” he said.

Constant

Orengo said he has been constant and has never changed his stand on the political discourse in the country.

“I am constant as the northern star. People who did politics with me like the late Masinde Muliro, the late Martin Shikuku, the late Kenneth Matiba, and subsequently the late Raila Odinga, Paul Muite, they know on matters of principle, I stand like a rock. I can negotiate on other issues,” he said.

Wandayi’s counter-attack

Wandayi criticised Orengo over what he termed as misleading the Luo community regarding the region’s political direction.

At a fundraiser at Ngunya Catholic Church in Ugunja constituency, Wandayi said it was illogical to tell the community that being in government was undesirable after years of seeking access to government.

“Let us ask him to leave the citizens of this place alone. These citizens know where they are going. If he says that being inside the government is bad, then what is good? And all these years we have been fighting so that we can get into government. How can you say that being in government is bad and yet all these years we have been fighting to be in government? What logic is that?” posed Wandayi.

The CS urged Orengo to allow residents to make their own political choices, arguing that the community is politically aware and capable of deciding its direction.

Broad-based Government

Orengo has dismissed the broad-based government and declared President William Ruto a one-term president.

This has put him on a collision path with Wandayi and a section of leaders from Nyanza, who have accused him of betrayal and rebellion.

Wandayi stated that leaders from Luo Nyanza, including MPs, Cabinet Secretaries, governors and Principal Secretaries, among others, are working within the government to push the region’s development agenda.

“We are working together with all the leaders of this region. We are working together in unity. Therefore, I have no worries. We have decided that our candidate for the presidential seat next year is President William Samoei Ruto,” he said.

Who is your presidential candidate?

The Energy CS further dared Orengo to declare an alternative presidential candidate.

“If you have your candidate, Mr Governor, come forward and tell us who it is. Or if it is you yourself who wants to run, come forward and say it today, and then we can compete against each other,” he said.

Wandayi added that he will lead a campaign across the Nyanza region to mobilise support for Ruto in the next election.

Orengo, who recently declared himself the de facto party leader, could be preparing himself for a second stab at the presidency and wants the community represented on both sides of the political divide.

Expert? Where did you train?

In a recent interview with Obinna TV, aired on Saturday, May 23, 2026, Orengo questioned the labelling of Wandayi as an expert.

He said Wandayi was not an expert since he lacks formal training in the energy sector.

“Wandayi is not an expert. I don’t think he went for training in a chemical institute or any training in the oil industry,” he said.

Impeachment

Wandayi and a section of leaders from the region have toyed with the idea of impeaching Orengo and have even led MCAs from the county to visit President Ruto at his Sugoi home.

But the attempt has failed to gain any meaningful push and has remained a cropper.

With 15 months to the general elections, Siaya politics will suddenly turn murkier, and who will blink first?

Gachagua a double-edged sword to the opposition

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By Anderson Ojwang

Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua could turn out to be a double-edged sword to the opposition in next year’s general elections.

From one perspective, Gachagua could be the engine to drive the opposition to victory against President William Ruto, while on the other, he could be the soft belly in the opposition’s failure.

Last Thursday’s Gen Z anniversary exposed Gachagua’s weakness, which may haunt the opposition in the 2027 general elections.

Gachagua’s no-show at the anniversary should be a wake-up call to Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka, Siaya Governor James Orengo, former Chief Justice David Maraga, and opposition leader Martha Karua of a similar trend in the future.

The anniversary also laid down Gachagua’s script, which he may be playing close to his chest by consolidating Mt Kenya to have the majority of members of the National Assembly and Senators, and be able to negotiate with whoever becomes the President.

King of Mt Kenya

The move by Gachagua to replace DCP founding Secretary General Hezron Obaga with Nyandarua Senator John Methu and other founding officials with his close allies showed a glimpse of his game plan.

“Senator John Methu, for all practical purposes, is a member of DCP, and he will start acting from today as the Secretary General designate and be the spokesperson of the DCP party on all matters starting today,” he said then.

In Gachagua’s script for Mt Kenya is the power arrangement formula with governors elected on the DCP ticket.

Under the DCP model, governors elected on the party ticket would cede half of all appointive positions to the party, allowing Gachagua to reward loyalists and maintain grassroots control.

“Governors elected on the DCP ticket will have an agreement with us. Half of the positions will come to the party so we can take care of our people who contested but did not win,” Gachagua said.

This is a script Gachagua has borrowed from the former ODM leader, the late Raila Odinga, where his close allies were absorbed in counties in which ODM won the gubernatorial race.

Control in the National Houses

Gachagua is an admirer and a student of the Raila school of politics and is keenly implementing his script episode by episode.

Gachagua already has his eyes either on controlling the opposition and being able to negotiate with the government of the day, or controlling the government by virtue of the number of MPs and Senators in the Houses.

A Mau Mau or Home Guard descendant

The Kikuyu Home Guard was a colonial-era paramilitary force formed in 1953 by the British administration in Kenya to fight Mau Mau insurgents. Made up primarily of “loyalist” Kikuyu, it became a primary target of the Mau Mau and remains a deeply divisive and controversial aspect of the community’s history.

While the Mau Mau were the militant wing of a growing clamour for political representation and freedom in Kenya, Gachagua has always carried himself and boasted as being the descendant of the Mau Mau, the brave warrior from Mt Kenya.

Gachagua claimed there was a plot to assassinate him and instead remained locked in his Wamunyoro home.

“Since I was targeted for assassination then by this killer squad in church, I am apprehensive; probably Mr. Kipchumba Murkomen and DIG Lagat have instructed them to proceed to Wamunyoro and complete the job they failed to do in January. In whatever situation, God is in control,” he wrote.

Internal Security Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen claimed Gachagua was a coward who hides under the bed when others are out protesting.

“I know Gachagua is the father of violence in our country. I know he is a coward. That is why I know how to deal with him. Have you ever seen Gachagua go to any demos? Have you seen him in any protests? He sits back and sends people’s children. Ask him to try to come to the streets,” he said.

Home Guard mentality

Gachagua, as Deputy President, vowed to crush the protesters and even asked President William Ruto to assign him the duty of handling the Azimio la Umoja protesters led by the late Raila Amolo Odinga.

Gachagua, in his past speeches on demonstrations, said Mt Kenya people were known as wealth creators and not destructive.

“This region, nobody will be allowed to come and destroy property. We from Mt Kenya have never known the stupidity of killing people and destroying properties. It has never happened in this region. The people of Mt Kenya are progressive, businesspersons and farmers; they do not know about wealth destruction but wealth creation and protection. Let me say now, let’s see how it will unfold. No responsible government will allow such hooliganism witnessed in Nairobi. You said demonstrations are your right. Is destruction of properties a right? What right are you fighting for? That is why we told Uhuru Kenyatta to his face: we cannot elect that person. We know him that he is the lord of violence and impunity in the Republic of Kenya. I told Uhuru Kenyatta this man is the problem of this country. I am going to call a meeting for the leaders of Mt Kenya region on how to deal with these characters now,” he said then.

Survivor

Gachagua denied claims that he was a coward, saying he was only protecting his people.

“Some people have labelled me a coward. ‘Why can’t Gachagua join the demos?’ I am not a coward. Everyone knows. I am a leader who cares for his people. I can’t take my people to die; I would be stupid. I cannot accept to allow destruction of properties of my people; I would be stupid. We have the opportunity to remove President William Ruto through the ballot. If we die, how will we remove him?” he said.

A pretender

The CS labelled Gachagua as a false pretender to the throne, who claimed to have taken over the leadership from the late Raila Odinga while he hides in his bedroom when others were on the streets.

“He is pretending that he has taken over and he is like Tinga, the late Raila Amolo Odinga. You cannot be Tinga,” he said.

Murkomen said Gachagua was not comparable to Raila, who at 80 braved teargas while the former DP hid in his home.

“Tinga at 80 years was on the forefront leading despite being teargassed. You have not left your house. You went to hide under the bed, and you ask your wife, Mama Dorcas, to look outside if it is safe. What kind of a man are you?” he said.

For Gachagua, any side of the bread is buttered for him, and the opposition may suffer Gachagua’s double-edged sword.