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The Eight Coffins That Broke Kisumu’s Heart

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What began as a family’s painful loss became a contest of compassion as rival politicians turned grief into a stage

By James Okoth

The afternoon sun hung low over Kanyakwar village on Sunday, casting a golden shimmer on the still water pooled inside an abandoned quarry. The site, long deserted by miners, had become a familiar playground for children from the neighbourhood, especially the four brothers of the Otieno family.

That day, like many others, the boys, aged between eight and fifteen, left their home after lunch carrying plastic containers. According to their father, they had gone to fetch water and play nearby before returning for evening chores. As twilight approached and the boys did not return, worry crept into the homestead.

Moments later, screams tore through the calm. Villagers who went searching discovered the children’s clothes and slippers scattered at the quarry’s edge. Beneath the murky water, tragedy had struck. All four brothers had drowned.

News of the deaths spread quickly across Kanyakwar and beyond. Neighbours gathered in disbelief as rescuers pulled the bodies out one by one. The father, inconsolable, watched as his children, his only sons, lay lifeless, victims of a danger that had silently existed in their midst for years.

“It is a pain no parent should ever know,” said a relative. “They were full of life, always together.”

The quarry, like many others across Kisumu County, was once active with trucks and stonecutters. When operations ceased, it was left unprotected and filled with rainwater, turning into a deep, deceptive pond.

As the family struggled to come to terms with the tragedy, politics came calling. Two Kisumu gubernatorial hopefuls, through their representatives, separately arrived at the home, each eager to demonstrate sympathy.

Kisumu Central MP Dr Joshua Oron and Kisumu Senator Professor Tom Ojienda each ordered the purchase of four coffins for the deceased boys, complete with camera crews and supporters documenting the gesture.

Within hours, social media was flooded with photos and videos of the donations, each camp presenting its act as compassion and leadership.

“In support, my team handed over receipts for the purchase of four coffins and provided foodstuffs to assist the family as they prepare for the burial. My thoughts and prayers are with the family during this painful time,” read part of a statement shared by Dr Oron on social media.

“In a heartfelt show of compassion, the Professor provided foodstuffs to support the family as they received mourners during this painful period. He also took responsibility for the burial arrangements by providing four coffins,” said an official from Senator Ojienda’s team.

The grieving family now faces an unusual and painful dilemma: eight coffins bought in their name before any formal burial arrangements were agreed upon.

“What are we supposed to do with eight coffins?” a family elder asked quietly. “This has gone beyond mourning and has become a show.”

The incident has reignited debate about political tokenism, where tragedy becomes a stage and grief is used to score points. Instead of comfort, the family finds itself caught in a cultural and moral dilemma.

Following the tragedy, Governor Prof Anyang’ Nyong’o ordered an immediate suspension of all mining and quarry activities across Kisumu County. He directed the Department of Environment, together with NEMA, to audit all excavation sites for safety compliance.

“These sites have become death traps,” Nyong’o said. “We must act to protect our children and communities.”

As night falls once again over Kanyakwar, the Otieno homestead remains silent. The laughter that once filled the compound is gone, replaced by stacked coffins and mourners divided by political ambition.

The quarry stands as a reminder of neglect, but the events that followed have exposed another loss: the erosion of compassion, where even death becomes an opportunity for political display.

Kenya Power Foundation Channels Sh3 Million to Support Youth Talent at HSBC SVNS 2 Nairobi

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By Phillip Orwa

The Kenya Power Foundation, under its social investment and community well-being pillar, has stepped onto the global rugby stage with a sponsorship of Sh3 million for the highly anticipated HSBC SVNS 2 Nairobi tournament.

The funds will be utilised by the Kenya Rugby Union (KRU) to support its regional Under-16 rugby series during the landmark tournament scheduled to take place between 14th and 15th February 2026 at Nyayo Stadium. The initiative will give at least 96 young players from across the country an opportunity to showcase their talent on the same platform as some of the world’s best rugby players.

Speaking ahead of the tournament, Kenya Power Foundation Patron Logan Hambrick underscored the Foundation’s commitment to sports development, describing it as a critical contributor to youth empowerment, social inclusion, and community well-being.

“Kenya Power Foundation aims to support and promote sports development as a strategic investment in nurturing future professional athletes and sports leaders. By investing in youth rugby, we are not only nurturing future professional players but also empowering communities and promoting inclusion through sport,” Hambrick said.

HSBC SVNS 2 forms part of World Rugby’s newly introduced three-tier Global Sevens Framework, which was created to provide clearer pathways to the elite level of international rugby while guaranteeing full gender parity across all events.

Through hosting the event, Kenya joins South Africa as the only African nations to have staged a World Rugby Sevens international tournament, where elite men and women showcase their talent on a global stage.

Since its launch in September 2024, the Kenya Power Foundation has continued to roll out social impact programmes across various regions aimed at empowering communities. These initiatives include rehabilitation of school infrastructure, provision of school uniforms to underprivileged learners, support for water and sanitation projects, and promotion of sports development.

Pwani Oil FC Suffers 7–0 Loss to Premier League Side Kariobangi Sharks but Draws Positives from the Game

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By Phillip Orwa

Pwani Oil FC gained valuable exposure to top-tier competition after featuring in a Mozzart Campaign FKF Cup Round of 64 fixture against Premier League side Kariobangi Sharks at KPA Mbaraki Stadium, where they suffered a 7–0 defeat.

The match formed part of Pwani Oil FC’s broader participation in the FKF National Football Tournament, a platform aimed at nurturing talent, promoting youth development, and fostering community engagement through sport.

Despite the heavy loss that ended their FKF Cup campaign at the Round of 64 stage, head coach Paul Terry Kwoba described the encounter as a valuable learning experience for both the players and the technical bench.

Kwoba said the opportunity to compete against an established top-flight side provided important insights, allowing the team to measure itself against higher-level opposition and better understand the standards required to progress.

“It was a nice experience for the boys. The technical team and players have learnt from the best,” he said. “Considering we were playing an experienced team that is very active in the leagues, my boys did well. They were worthy opponents.”

The fixture offered a rare chance for Pwani Oil FC to test their progress against elite opposition in a competitive environment. Facing a team with Premier League pedigree exposed the squad to the pace, physicality, and intensity that define top-tier football—lessons the coaching staff believes will be crucial in shaping the team’s development.

Kwoba noted that such encounters help players gain confidence and broaden their understanding of the game, particularly for younger athletes still adapting to competitive football.

As the team shifts focus back to its Regional League commitments, the coach expressed confidence that the lessons drawn from the match will contribute to stronger performances in future fixtures.

Meanwhile, Pwani Oil Products Limited, sponsors of Pwani Oil FC, praised the team’s determination and progress, noting that the squad remains in a developmental phase and continues to gain valuable experience at a competitive level.

“As a company, we are committed to transforming the lives of the communities in which we operate, with sports promotion being among our key focus areas for talent development,” said Pwani Oil Commercial Director Rajul Malde.

While the team exited the tournament earlier than expected, we remain proud of their resilience. Competing against top-flight opposition has provided an important learning opportunity for this young team to sharpen their skills and raise the overall quality of their game.

The Political Tragedy of Service:

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By Alphonce Otieno

What Hon. Raphael Tuju’s Story Tells Us About Our Politics:

In Kenyan politics, development is often praised in speeches but punished at the ballot box. Few stories show this painful contradiction better than that of Hon. Raphael Tuju.

When Tuju entered active politics, he did not do so for fame or personal wealth. By his own account, his goal was straightforward: to help his community escape poverty and to put in place real foundations for development. For a brief moment, it seemed that this kind of politics—focused on results rather than slogans—might succeed.

In just three years, the impact of his leadership was visible. The Ndori–Luanda Kotieno Road was tarmacked, improving transport and opening the area to trade and investment. Health services were strengthened through the construction and upgrading of hospitals, and a mobile clinic was introduced in Rarieda to reach remote and vulnerable communities. Schools were built, students received sponsorships, and access to clean water expanded. These were not promises. They were completed projects that touched daily life.

Yet, in a bitter twist, these achievements did not translate into political support.

Instead of being rewarded, Tuju faced hostility. He was branded a traitor by sections of the community he sought to serve. Political tensions escalated to dangerous levels. There were threats to burn his home. His supporters were targeted. His cousin was left permanently disabled due to political violence. His late mother lived in fear and could not freely travel to Ndori Centre for more than a decade. At one point, protesters walked all the way from Uyoma to Ndori, a disturbing sign of how deeply political intolerance had taken root.

“This is the tragedy of our politics,” one observer remarked. “We punish results and reward slogans.”

Many political analysts argue that under genuinely free and fair conditions—without external political direction—Raphael Tuju would have won decisively. His development record, administrative ability, and strong national and international networks set him apart from his competitors. As one local opinion leader put it, “Tuju did not fail because of poor performance. He failed because he lacked political protection in a system where party loyalty matters more than service.”

This experience is not unique. It reflects a broader pattern, particularly within Luo politics, where party allegiance has often been placed above development outcomes. Time and again, leaders with the ability to cooperate across political lines, attract investment, and deliver tangible progress have been rejected for failing to conform to dominant political loyalties.

The cost of this approach has been high. Communities are left with poor infrastructure, limited economic opportunities, and broken public services—not because capable leaders were unavailable, but because they were politically unacceptable.

An elder once summed it up quietly but powerfully: “We chose the party over the road, the slogan over the hospital. And in doing so, we chose poverty over development.”

Tuju’s story is therefore larger than one man’s political loss. It is a mirror held up to society. It forces us to confront an uncomfortable truth: that progress can be rejected when it does not align with prevailing political expectations. It shows how service and sacrifice do not always earn acceptance, and how visionary leaders can be pushed aside even when they deliver real change.

This is not an argument against political parties. Parties are a vital part of democracy. But when party loyalty becomes more important than roads, schools, water, and healthcare, politics loses its moral purpose. It stops serving people and starts serving itself.

In the end, Raphael Tuju’s legacy leaves us with a simple but difficult question: when a leader delivers tangible development that improves lives, should party politics matter more than those results? Until voters are willing to reward performance over slogans, the tragedy of service will continue—and communities will keep paying the price.

In that sense, Tuju’s story is not just about the past. It is a warning about the future of our politics, and a challenge to choose leadership over loyalty, and people over politics.

Why We Love Mount Kenya Presidencies

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Billy Mijungu

By Billy Mijungu

We all pretend otherwise, but deep down, Kenya has an obsession with the Mount Kenya presidency. Time and again, directly or inadvertently, our political maneuvering gravitates toward placing someone from Mount Kenya at the very top.

At independence, Oginga Odinga was effectively handed the presidency by the British. Yet he sensed a trap. He feared Tom Mboya would charm Parliament into electing him Prime Minister, a position that later morphed into the presidency when Kenya became a republic. Driven by suspicion, rivalry, and jealousy, Oginga and Mboya compromised not on principle, but on convenience, settling on Jomo Kenyatta. That moment set a pattern: distrust among reformists but comfort in Mount Kenya power.

Moi came next, an accidental president by most accounts. Yet even as he exited in 2002, he searched desperately for a Mount Kenya successor. He settled on Uhuru Kenyatta. On the other side, Raila Odinga and his allies went into overdrive and ultimately installed Mwai Kibaki. Once again, the Luo community invested political capital and once again, they watched dust rise behind them.

When Kibaki exited, the entire country conspired to retain power within Mount Kenya. Uhuru Kenyatta, burdened with cases at The Hague and armed with no clear national plan beyond self-preservation, was packaged and sold. An unholy alliance with William Ruto sealed the deal. The country suspended logic, morality, and accountability to protect the Mount Kenya presidency.

In 2022, Uhuru attempted to anoint Raila Odinga but never fully committed to the campaign. William Ruto, arguably the most surprised man on inauguration day, became president. Prepared or not, he wanted it the most and politics rewards hunger, not readiness.

But Ruto is not planning for 2027. He is planning for 2032. Win or lose, his eyes are on succession. Those negotiating with him today are stuck in 2027. The real game is positioning for a transition presidency in 2032. And this is where the tragedy deepens. Instead of positioning ODM and the Luo community strategically, Oburu Odinga is quietly aligning with Ruto to midwife a Kindiki presidency. Retain the deputy slot long enough and the presidency follows early in the morning.

So tell me, don’t we just love Mount Kenya presidencies?

Raila’s last message — “Who told you ODM…?” — puts Oburu in a fix as party faces possible split

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By Anderson Ojwang

In what could be described as his final engagement with the ODM parliamentary group, the late Raila Amolo Odinga left behind a powerful message that is now shaking the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).

Addressing legislators and party officials, Raila, in his characteristic tone, cautioned against premature political commitments, saying:
“Look at what we have signed, and we must remain as ODM. We signed and agreed that we will work together up to 2027. We have not passed any resolution as a party to say how we are going to the elections in 2027.
So wherever you are, don’t commit the party to things which have not been discussed. Let those things be discussed first. We are ODM. Who told you that ODM will not have a candidate in 2027? Who has told you? First think like ODM. Other decisions we will take when the time comes.”

The statement has since split ODM down the middle. Raila’s elder brother and current party leader, Dr Oburu Oginga, has declared that ODM will not field a presidential candidate in 2027. However, another faction led by Secretary General Edwin Sifuna and Siaya Governor James Orengo insists that the party must present a candidate, arguing that it was Raila’s final wish.

Oburu now finds himself in a dilemma: whether to retrace his steps and implement Raila’s last directive or chart a completely new course for the party.

In a move seen as an attempt to assert authority, Dr Oburu has convened a National Executive Council (NEC) meeting scheduled for Wednesday. The meeting is expected to deliberate on disciplinary action against three officials accused of defying the party leader’s position on a pre-election coalition.

Those facing possible disciplinary measures include Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, Deputy Party Leader Geoffrey Osotsi, and Deputy Organising Secretary Ruth Odinga. The trio has openly criticised the proposed pre-election pact between ODM and President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA).

Suba South MP Caroli Omondi, who attended the meeting with Raila, said the late ODM leader had only authorised Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi and Energy CS Opiyo Wandayi to publicly support Ruto’s two-term agenda.

“Raila told us not to say ‘two term’. Any MP who wanted to contradict that was warned. Only Alego MP Sam Atandi requested permission because of his role as Budget Committee chair,” Omondi said.

Despite this, Oburu has maintained that ODM will only negotiate from a position of strength. In a past TV interview, he said:
“If we have to go for a lower position, it must not be lower than number two — the Deputy President. That is my take.”

He added that ODM’s immediate focus is rebuilding and strengthening its grassroots base before entering negotiations.
“Nobody will respect you or negotiate with you if you are a weak party,” he said.

However, during a recent event in Kisumu attended by President Ruto and Deputy President Prof Kithure Kindiki, Oburu appeared to soften his stance, stating that ODM was not eyeing the deputy president’s seat.

“Deputy President, do not think we want your seat. We are friends. As we negotiate, we will negotiate what our people and our party deserve,” he said, insisting that ODM remains a national party.

Oburu further said he would personally lead ODM through negotiations, promising to deliver more benefits to party supporters.
“When you follow flies, they take you to the pit latrine. When you follow bees, they take you to honey,” he remarked.

He cited Cabinet appointments and parliamentary positions secured by ODM leaders as evidence of gains already made through engagement with the Kenya Kwanza administration.

Meanwhile, Sifuna has stood firm, insisting that Raila was categorical that ODM would field a presidential candidate — a position he maintains was Raila’s final wish.

Eldoret Catholic Bishop Kimengich to Host Valentine’s Day Celebration at the Church’s Family Apostolate Grounds

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By Sandra Blessing

For Catholic congregants of the Diocese of Eldoret, this Saturday will be a moment of love as they celebrate Valentine’s Day with their bishop.

The Church is offering couples who have not decided how to spend their Valentine’s Day a venue and an opportunity to celebrate with Bishop Rt. Rev. Dominic Kimengich. The celebration will also include a Holy Mass.

On 27th January, the Church sent out an invitation for the Valentine’s Day celebration for couples. The invitation was sent to parish priests and was signed by Rev. Fr Edwin Sang, the Family Life Coordinator.

He wrote, “I am pleased to inform you that the Family Life Office of the Diocese of Eldoret is organising a Valentine’s Day celebration for all couples within the Diocese.
The Holy Mass will be presided over by His Lordship Rt. Rev. Dominic Kimengich, and the event will be held at 10.00 a.m. at the Family Apostolate Grounds, Kaptagat.”

Sang said that, for logistical and planning purposes, each couple is expected to register by paying Sh 2,500 on or before 7th February.

“Flowers will also be available at an additional cost. All couples are warmly encouraged to attend and are required to register through their parishes. Once the payment is made, parish offices should forward the participants’ names to the coordinator, Teresia Njeri,” read the circular.

As of November 2023, the Catholic Diocese of Eldoret had 100 parishes.

The harsh, biting and shrinking economy is likely to deny several Kenyans the opportunity to celebrate the day.

Oburu to crack the whip on Sifuna, Osotsi and Ruth at the Wednesday’s NEC meeting over opposition to Pre-Election Coalition with President Ruto

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By Anderson Ojwang

The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party leader, Dr Oburu Oginga, has moved to crack the whip in the party by inviting the National Executive Council (NEC) meeting scheduled for this Wednesday.

The meeting is expected to hand in disciplinary measures on three “rebel” officials who read from a different script from the party leader on the pre-election coalition.

Oburu and his faction are expected to crack the whip on the party Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, Deputy Party Leader Geoffrey Osotsi, and Deputy Organising Secretary Ruth Odinga.

The trio have been critical of the proposed pre-election pact between ODM and the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) of President William Ruto.

Sources told Western Insight that the faction, stung by the successful Busia Linda Wananchi rally, urgently convened a high-voltage meeting in Nairobi, which sealed the fate of the trio.

Sources told Western Insight that Oburu’s team was sent into panic mode and resolved that it was time to kick out the trio to avoid losing the party leadership to Sifuna’s team.

Attempts to talk to Oburu were unsuccessful as his calls went unanswered, while ODM Director of Communication Philip Etale could not be reached.

Yesterday, Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi called for the sacking of Sifuna for disrespecting Oburu’s leadership status, saying they were fully behind the pre-election coalition with President Ruto.

The move comes hot on the heels of last week’s explosive interview on Citizen TV with Sifuna, who revealed that Linda Ground activities by Oburu’s team were receiving parallel funding and not from the party coffers.

He also said Oburu and a section of party officials were still serving on an interim basis, a position Oburu vehemently denied in a press statement.

In a recent interview, Sifuna said the Kilifi Central Management Committee ratified that the party engages in coalition talks with various political formations in the country.

“The resolution of the Kilifi meeting is clear and specific. It said the party to embark on coalition formation with other political formation in the country. There is nowhere it talked about UDA as the only formation. We expect to engage all the political formations in the country with a view of a possible alliance” he said.

Sifuna said ODM, as one of the oldest parties in the country, was prepared to present a presidential candidate and quoted the late Raila Odinga saying “who told you ODM will not have a presidential candidate in 2027”.

He also maintained that Dr Oburu and his team were still on an interim basis and would have to be ratified by the National Delegates Conference.

In a press statement, Oburu said they were substantively in office and dismissed Sifuna’s claims that they were interim party officials.

Oburu wrote, “We want to state categorically that all party officials are serving substantively and are supported by the party organs’ resolutions. However, the interview also contained assertions that misled the public regarding the legitimacy of certain party organs and office holders. ODM has, since its inception, demonstrated fidelity to its constitution and to the rule of law. The same principle has put every individual in their rightful positions, including that of Senator Sifuna.”

Sifuna revealed that the funds and resources being used in the ongoing Linda Ground engagement did not come from the party.

“The money and the resources you see being spent on the ODM rallies called Linda Ground do not come from ODM headquarters. For me, I can only account for the monies because I am a signatory to the bank accounts, and Timothy Bosire is also a signatory. The last money we expended as ODM officially was for the celebration in Mombasa, and it was a fraction of what you saw there,” he said.

Sifuna said there was parallel funding of political activities in the party and that they did not know where the funds were coming from.

“For a fact, there is parallel funding for activities clothed in ODM colours, and they go around saying they are ODM delegates. The Linda Ground activities are not financed from the ODM coffers and headquarters. There is no money that I executed a cheque for those activities.”

Ruth also questioned the millions of shillings currently being used by the party to hire choppers, tents, and pay delegates while the party was owed Sh12 billion by the government.

The Linda Wananchi had a successful rally in Busia, where they vowed to derail any coalition talks with President Ruto. In this camp are battle-hardened leaders led by Kenya’s longest-serving political activist, Siaya Governor James Orengo, alongside new entrants MP Babu Owino, Sifuna, Osotsi, among others.

Linda Wananchi and Linda Ground Draw Battle Lines Over Coalition Arrangements

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By Anderson Ojwang

The statement of intent was unmistakable, and the battle lines were firmly drawn. Last Sunday marked a defining moment for the late Raila Amolo Odinga’s party, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).

Two rival camps have now emerged within the party, pitting boardroom power brokers against grassroots activists in a struggle popularly framed as Linda Ground versus Linda Wananchi.

The Linda Ground faction is financially calibrated and well-resourced. It offers delegates allowances — reportedly as high as Sh5,000 — deploys helicopters, and holds meetings in high-end hotels, with operations largely coordinated remotely. This camp is led by ODM party leader Dr Oburu Odinga, National Chairperson and Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga, Deputy Party Leaders Abdulswamad Nassir (Mombasa) and Simba Arati (Kisii), and ODM Director of Elections Junet Mohamed. Notably, Wanga and Arati, despite being associated with this camp, are seasoned street politicians and mobilisers.

On the other hand, Linda Wananchi is organic, spontaneous, and driven by raw grassroots energy. Its rallies are marked by excitement, charged crowds, and a palpable sense of expectation. The group does not rely on air travel but moves by road. Financially, it lacks muscle and access, but compensates with persuasive rhetoric, political flair, and a deep connection with the masses.

This faction is led by battle-hardened politicians, including Siaya Governor James Orengo — one of Kenya’s longest-serving political activists — alongside new-generation leaders such as Embakasi East MP Babu Owino and ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, among others.

The Busia meeting sent shockwaves across the political divide. In the border town, many observers saw the spirit of ODM founder Raila Amolo Odinga vividly re-emerge. The electric crowd and the intensity of the gathering appeared to signal where popular sentiment within the party may lie.

At the centre of the dispute is the proposed pre-election pact between ODM and President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA), as well as the upcoming National Delegates Conference (NDC) ahead of the 2027 General Election.

In Busia, the Linda Wananchi camp openly launched its campaign to dislodge Linda Ground’s grip on the party and firmly rejected any pre-election pact with UDA. Leaders in the faction declared that ODM would field a presidential candidate in 2027 and would not enter into an alliance with President Ruto.

In a recent interview, Sifuna stated that the party’s Kilifi Central Management Committee had resolved that ODM engage in coalition talks with various political formations — not exclusively UDA.

The resolution of the Kilifi meeting was clear and specific. It stated that the party should embark on coalition formation with other political formations in the country. There was no mention of UDA as the only option,” Sifuna said. “We expect to engage all political formations with a view to a possible alliance.”

He added that ODM, as one of the country’s oldest political parties, was fully prepared to present a presidential candidate, quoting the late Raila Odinga: Who told you ODM will not have a presidential candidate in 2027?’

Sifuna further maintained that Dr Oburu and his team were serving on an interim basis and would require ratification by the National Delegates Conference.

He also raised concerns over the source of funds being used in the ongoing Linda Ground activities, stating that they were not financed by the party.

The money and resources you see being spent on ODM rallies branded as Linda Ground do not come from ODM headquarters,” he said. “I can only account for funds because I am a signatory to the party bank accounts, alongside Timothy Bosire. The last official expenditure by ODM was for the Mombasa celebration, and it was a fraction of what we have witnessed elsewhere.

Sifuna claimed there was parallel financing of political activities conducted under ODM colours, adding that party headquarters had no knowledge of the source of the funds.

For a fact, there is parallel funding for activities clothed in ODM colours. These activities are not financed from ODM coffers, and there is no cheque I have signed for them,” he said.

In response, Dr Oburu issued a press statement dismissing claims that party officials were serving on an interim basis, asserting that they were substantively in office and supported by party organs.

“We wish to state categorically that all party officials are serving substantively and are supported by resolutions of the party organs,” Oburu said. “However, recent assertions have misled the public regarding the legitimacy of certain party organs and office holders. ODM has, since its inception, demonstrated fidelity to its constitution and the rule of law. These same principles placed every individual in their rightful position, including Senator Sifuna.

Yesterday, Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi called for Sifuna’s sacking, accusing him of disrespecting Dr Oburu’s leadership and reaffirming support for a pre-election coalition with President Ruto.

“I have been the longest-serving ODM party chairman and I understand the ODM constitution. Dr Oburu is the substantive party leader, and Sifuna should be sacked for showing disrespect,” Mbadi said.

Meanwhile, Saboti MP Caleb Amisi weighed in on social media, writing: “The people of Busia have spoken in one voice. Vox populi, vox Dei — the voice of the people is the voice of God.”

With the National Delegates Conference approaching and battle lines now clearly drawn, ODM faces a defining moment. Whether the two factions will regroup and negotiate, or whether one will be politically washed away, remains to be seen. The question is no longer whether the party is divided — but who will blink first.

Courts Are Not Obstacles to Progress — They Are Guardians of Prevention

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By Dr. Edris Omondi
Founder & CEO, Crime Prevention Initiative Trust (CPIT)
www.crimeprevention.net | info@crimeprevention.net

In the rush to digitize public services, strengthen international cooperation, and harness data for development, a familiar narrative has emerged: that courts slow progress, that constitutional review obstructs well-intentioned projects, and that legal safeguards are a burden rather than a benefit.

This narrative is both wrong and dangerous.

At a recent high-level conference on African Data and AI Sovereignty, policymakers, jurists, parliamentarians, diplomats, and scholars gathered to reflect on a simple but often ignored truth: prevention begins long before harm occurs. It starts with system design, legal architecture, and institutional accountability.

Crime today rarely begins with a single criminal act. It often starts upstream — in weak safeguards, opaque agreements, ungoverned data systems, and decisions made without adequate constitutional scrutiny. This is precisely where courts matter.

Across jurisdictions, courts are increasingly called upon to examine cross-border data governance frameworks, health cooperation agreements, and digital systems that affect millions of people. These judicial interventions are frequently mischaracterized as resistance to innovation. In reality, they are expressions of constitutional responsibility.

In Kenya, the High Court’s issuance of a conservatory order in Okiya Omtata v Attorney General did not reject international cooperation. It temporarily paused implementation to allow constitutional review — to assess whether safeguards around consent, data protection, sovereignty, and statutory compliance were sufficient. This was not obstruction; it was constitutionalism in action.

Globally, similar patterns are evident. In Europe, the Schrems II judgment clarified that contractual assurances alone cannot protect fundamental rights where foreign legal systems undermine them. In India, the Supreme Court’s decision in Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v Union of India affirmed privacy as a fundamental right, requiring legality, necessity, proportionality, and adequate safeguards in any data-related state action.

Even in Kenya’s Worldcoin litigation, courts did not oppose innovation. Instead, they enforced the practical meaning of consent, impact assessments, and lawful data processing under the Data Protection Act.

The message from courts worldwide is consistent: innovation must proceed, but it must do so lawfully.

At the conference, leaders including H.E. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, AU Pan-African Parliament President Fortune Charumbira, and Kenya’s Principal Secretary for Medical Services, Dr. Ouma Oluga, emphasized that data governance is no longer merely a technical concern. It is a matter of public trust, national security, and human dignity.

This is where prevention institutions play a critical role.

The Crime Prevention Initiative Trust (CPIT) does not operate as an emergency-response organization. Our work is upstream, where law, data, technology, and governance intersect. Our focus is not what happens after harm occurs, but the systems and decisions that allow that harm to happen in the first place.

Law, when properly designed and implemented, remains society’s most powerful preventive tool. It shapes incentives, structures behavior, and protects people before damage is done.

As Africa accelerates digital transformation, signs international agreements, and integrates cross-border data systems, the question is no longer whether data matters. Data now determines who is protected, who is exposed, and who decides.

Courts are not standing in the way of progress. They are ensuring that progress remains lawful, legitimate, and worthy of public trust.

Prevention is not optional. It is a shared responsibility.