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Standardize School Uniforms in Continuous Education Reforms

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By Billy Mijungu

Any businessman will tell you that higher production volumes lower costs. That principle should not only apply to industries and factories but also to schools across the Republic. If we are sincere about making education affordable and accessible to all children, then we must look at every item that contributes to the rising cost of schooling, and the first visible one is the school uniform.

It is time for the Ministry of Education to standardize school uniforms as part of the continuous education reforms. Uniforms can be divided into clear categories based on the levels of education: Pre-Primary, Primary, Junior School, and Senior School. Each category should have a distinct yet standard design that fits within a national framework. The only difference from one school to another should be the unique school badge, which represents the identity of the institution.

This model would allow mass production, which in turn lowers costs. It would also make it easier for parents to buy uniforms from different outlets without being confined to specific suppliers who often overcharge. Currently, the cost of a complete uniform set can go up to about thirty thousand shillings, an amount that has become a source of unnecessary financial strain on parents. In some cases, it has created an opportunity for misuse by school heads and directors who collude with suppliers to inflate prices.

Education should be treated as a public service before being viewed as a business. When the cost of basic requirements like uniforms becomes a burden, it discourages many families and affects enrollment and retention rates, especially in rural areas. Standardizing uniforms would promote equality among students by removing visible economic differences. Every learner, whether from a humble background or a privileged home, would appear equal in the learning environment, promoting discipline, unity, and focus on learning rather than appearance.

Furthermore, such reforms would encourage transparency in school management and eliminate uniform-related cartels that have profited from parents for years. It would also create a predictable education economy where costs are known, stable, and manageable. Kenya can take inspiration from countries where standardized uniforms have reduced costs and improved the overall integrity of the education system.

The time for this change is now. If we are serious about building an inclusive, affordable, and fair education system, then standardizing school uniforms should be a key pillar in the next phase of education reforms.

Ruto walks back to the political Shrine – Kabarak – appeases Moi’s spirits

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By Anderson Ojwang

In a historic moment, President William Ruto used Moi Day, as it was previously known, to walk back to the political shrine — Kabarak — to appease the spirit of the second president, the late Daniel Toroitich Moi.

Kenya previously celebrated October 10th annually in honor of Moi before it was renamed Utamaduni and later Mazingira Day.

For Ruto, that day was not just like any other day; it was a day to go back to his roots, appease, and honor his mentor after two decades of fallout.

As practiced in African tradition and various religious organizations, purity is considered paramount when one visits a shrine or church for a special function. The white attire symbolized the purity and significance of the occasion.

Indeed, Ruto arrived in Kabarak in a white shirt and black trousers, while the host Gideon Moi, the heir of Moi’s political empire, was also dressed in a white shirt and black coat — symbolic of the event.

After Ruto’s arrival at Kabarak, the most significant event he presided over was the laying of a wreath at Moi’s mausoleum — appeasing the spirit of Moi.

Kabarak, once the country’s seat of power, is one of three political shrines that have controlled the socio-economic and political dispensation of power.

The other shrines are in Ichaweri, Gatundu North — the home of the founding father, the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta — and also the home of Kenya’s fourth president, Uhuru Kenyatta.

Last year, when Ruto visited the Ichaweri shrine, he pulled a political coup by bringing Uhuru into the broad-based government by appointing his allies into the cabinet.

Similarly, Ruto has also visited the Kango Ka Jaramogi shrine in Bondo, the doyen of opposition politics, and this is where the broad-based government was birthed. The leader of the opposition, Raila Odinga, has hosted Ruto at his father’s mausoleum several times and recently indicated his support for Ruto beyond.

Moi and Ruto fell out after the 2005 constitutional referendum when Ruto was installed as the Kalenjin elder and spokesperson.

Moi told the Kalenjin community to ignore the installation of Ruto and instead listen to former Cabinet Minister Henry Kosgey and the late Nicholas Biwott as their leaders.

For Ruto, Kabarak is where he honed and developed his presidential ambition. Moi was everything to him, and that is why, when he went back to Kabarak for a date with his mentor, it was historic.

Ruto and Gideon have remained bitter political rivals, with the latter first declaring interest in contesting for the presidency in 2022 before opting to support Raila.

Ruto had the last laugh over Gideon after he lost the Baringo senatorial seat, and when the incumbent, William Cheptumo, died, Gideon kept everyone guessing before he was formally declared by KANU as the candidate.

But ahead of the presentation of nomination papers, Ruto and Gideon met at Nairobi’s State House, and a new political dispensation was birthed.

“To the family of our father, Daniel Moi, and the people of Baringo, let me thank God for allowing us to gather here at Kabarak, the home of our father, the second president of Kenya.

I am happy. When I spoke with my brother Gideon, we discussed and planned about the old, previous, current, and future issues.

After we had agreed on all the issues, the problem of who and where the message should be delivered came into play.

I told him, Kabarak was the best venue because Kabarak is our home. Nobody welcomes us here at Kabarak; we are at home. I understand Kabarak better. I know all the rooms and everything here at Kabarak.

I walked with Mzee through the entire facility of Kabarak. So, when I am here, I am at home. At the burial of Moi, I said Moi was the father of the Kalenjin community.

I thanked the family for allowing us to share Moi as our father, even though we were not his biological children.

Moi became my father. I was privileged to work with Moi in his final years as president.

If there was a person closer to Moi in his last years as president of Kenya, it was William Ruto.

That is the truth. I know Moi mentored many leaders; I was among the last born of his political mentees.

When Gideon today welcomed us here at Kabarak as the last born of Moi, I too welcome you here as Moi’s political last born. This is our home.

If there is a party that must mind what Kenya becomes, it must be the party of independence — KANU. You must be interested in what happens to Kenya,” he said.

President Ruto said he was the one who approached Gideon and announced that KANU would be joining the broad-based government.

“I told Gideon kindly join me and let us pull the country together. I have had conversations with Raila Odinga. I have sat down with my predecessor Uhuru Kenyatta and explained to him that we need to move this country to the next level.

And I have looked for my brother Gideon. I told him it is time for us to move Kenya to the next level. We must work together, and that is why I looked for Gideon.

I told him, I want you to come and help me pull this country together to elevate it to the next level. If there is a mistake anywhere, blame it on me,” he said.

Gideon, in a statement, wrote, “We’ve elected to pursue the path of unity and shared purpose at this crucial point in our nation. As such, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to the people of Baringo for their support and for granting us a chance to move beyond our differences and mold a cohesive and prosperous nation.”

Ruto Consolidates Campaign Infrastructure Under Moi

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By Billy Mijungu

It is not by chance that President William Ruto reached out to Gideon Moi. Every move in politics carries intention, calculation, and foresight, and this one was no exception. Having already brought together the Kalenjin voices and tightened control of the political base, Ruto’s next mission is to fortify the campaign machinery that will drive his re-election bid. Consolidating this infrastructure under Gideon Moi is a masterstroke that blends strategy, symbolism, and survival.

Gideon Moi represents both legacy and leverage. As a son of the late President Daniel arap Moi, he carries a name that still commands loyalty in parts of the Rift Valley and respect across the country. For Ruto, uniting with Gideon is not just about political arithmetic; it is about closing gaps within the Kalenjin constituency and neutralizing any emerging internal dissent. The move also sends a strong signal to political financiers and power brokers that the Rift Valley bloc is firmly under one command.

The investment Gideon was preparing to make in his own political rebirth was significant. With his KANU salute reemerging and the “Wantam” slogan sparking nostalgia, a revival of the independence-era party was not far-fetched. For Ruto, that was too risky to ignore. Allowing Gideon to rebuild KANU at this stage would have introduced an alternative narrative in his stronghold. By co-opting Gideon into his broader campaign structure, Ruto not only prevents that threat but also transforms a potential rival into an asset.

Meanwhile, Kalonzo Musyoka’s NDC at Uhuru Park, which confirmed him as a presidential flag bearer, was meant to be a show of strength. But politics thrives on timing, and Ruto’s alliance-building with Gideon immediately shifted attention. It overshadowed Kalonzo’s moment and reaffirmed Ruto’s dominance in setting the national political agenda.

Ruto’s strategy has always been one of precision. He plans in layers, acts in silence, and delivers in surprise. His political journey from an underdog to the highest office in the land is proof of that deliberate craft. Bringing Gideon on board strengthens both his campaign narrative and the physical machinery needed for the next battle.

So much is happening beneath the surface, but what stands out most is Ruto’s calculated intent. Every step is measured, every ally strategically positioned, and every threat quietly absorbed.

Onward to the next.

Kenyan Diaspora aiming for an investment blueprint at conference

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By Correspondent.

The Kenya Diaspora Alliance that is championing the interests of Kenyans living abroad has announced that it is working towards formation of a strategic investment blueprint that will be significant to Kenyans and investors alike in choosing investment opportunities.

The organization’s chairperson Dr Shem Ochuodho revealed that through an upcoming international investment conference organized by the organization in December, stakeholders will come up with a collaborative blueprint seeking to advance the realization of cooperative –led development opportunities.

“The Convention aims to culminate in the Cooperative Engagement Action Plan (CEAP-2025) a practical, collaborative blueprint outlining investment strategies, partnership models, policy recommendations, and capacity-building interventions to advance cooperative-led development in Kenya,” announced Dr Ochuodho.

According to the lobby, key expected outcomes in the meeting include increased diaspora investments in Kenya’s cooperative sector and strengthened partnerships between diaspora, cooperatives, and government.

“We are now aiming at enhanced awareness and adoption of cooperative models in housing, agribusiness, fintech, and empowerment for women and youth,” said Ochuodho.

According to Dr Ochuodho who outlined activities expected at the 12th Annual Kenya Diaspora Homecoming, a premier platform for diaspora engagement, those expected to grace the discussions will be officials from the government, private sector, development partners, academia, and civil society.

This year’s theme, “Cooperative Models for Inclusive Growth and Sustainable Development”, according to the organizations, is aligning with the United Nations recognition of 2025 as the International Year of Cooperatives. The Convention will explore how cooperative models—especially diaspora-led or diaspora-supported can catalyze economic transformation and build inclusive systems in Kenya.

“Remittances from the diaspora reached approximately USD 4.94 billion in 2025 (about Ksh 640 billion), solidifying their indispensable role in national development. Through cooperatives in housing, agribusiness, finance, manufacturing, and technology, this Convention seeks to spotlight scalable frameworks for shared prosperity, democratic ownership, and community-driven progress.”

The lobby believes that Kenya’s cooperative sector boasts a legacy of collective empowerment, particularly in agribusiness, housing, and finance.

“As the country advances its Bottom-Up Economic Transformation Agenda (BETA), cooperative models are well positioned to foster inclusive, sustainable, and resilient economic growth. Diaspora communities bring not only financial capital but also global knowledge, experience, and networks,” said Dr Ochuodho.

In the organization’s view, by channeling remittances through cooperative frameworks such as SACCOs, investment clubs, and joint ventures. Kenya can mobilize impactful diaspora contributions that address structural development challenges while driving innovation, inclusion, and prosperity.

RUTO’S MASTERSTROKE: WHY ALFRED KETER’S REBELLION IS DOOMED TO BE A SIDESHOW

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By Remmy Butia

The political theater in Kenya’s Rift Valley is showing a classic play: the establishment versus the rebel. But in the case of Alfred Keter’s dissent against President William Ruto, we are not watching a budding revolution. We are witnessing a political containment operation that has already largely succeeded. The recent consolidation of power by Ruto, culminating in Gideon Moi’s alignment with the government, has effectively neutered any near-term threat from grassroots critics like Keter, reducing their powerful dissent to little more than background noise.

Let’s be clear: Alfred Keter is not the problem for Ruto. Keter’s voice is loud, his populist rhetoric on the high cost of living resonates with genuine pain, and his “fighter” persona guarantees him a microphone. But in politics, a microphone is useless without a stage and a supporting cast. Keter has been strategically isolated, left to shout from the sidelines while the real game is played on a field he can no longer access.

The masterstroke in this political chess game was not silencing Keter but co-opting his potential allies. The decision by Gideon Moi – the scion of the region’s other great political dynasty – to join the Ruto administration was a fatal blow to any organized internal opposition. This move did more than just add another brigade to the government’s tally; it bridged a generational political divide and unified the Kalenjin establishment in a way we haven’t seen in years. The old KANU machinery and the new UDA apparatus have merged, creating a political monolith that controls patronage, development projects, and, most importantly, the perception of power.

This consolidation exposes the stark reality of Kenyan politics: dissent cannot survive without a divided establishment. A rebel needs patrons, funding, and a fractured opponent to exploit. Keter has none of these. He stands alone against a united front that controls the formidable machinery of incumbency. While he speaks of the people’s struggles, President Ruto is on the ground, commissioning projects and making appointments – the tangible currency of political loyalty. In this matchup, rhetoric is a poor competitor for resources.

Therefore, to believe that Alfred Keter poses a serious electoral threat to William Ruto is to misunderstand the dynamics on the ground. His dissent is real and symbolically important, but it is not a political force. It is a protest movement without a party, a critique without a coalition. He may remain a vocal and irritating critic, but his influence will be confined to social media and by-elections, unable to mount a credible challenge in a general election.

The true lesson here is about Ruto’s political acumen. While his opponents hoped for internal rebellion, he systematically dismantled its foundations. He has turned the Rift Valley into a fortress, and critics like Alfred Keter are left outside the walls, their voices echoing but their power to breach the gates severely diminished. For the foreseeable future, dissent in the Kalenjin heartland will be a precarious and lonely business.

Senator Muok Launches Broad-Based Youth Front to Mainstream Youths in Supporting President Ruto’s Re-Election

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By Anderson Ojwang

The battle for the youth vote in the 2027 general elections has intensified with the launch of the Broad-Based Youth Front.

Migori Senator Eddy Oketch Muok said the movement aims to sensitize young people to acquire national identity cards, register as voters, and participate actively in the next general election.

Muok, who is the founder of the Broad-Based Youth Front, launched the group in Busia County, where he engaged with youth leaders.

“We successfully launched the Broad-Based Youth Front (BYF) Busia Chapter with Governor Paul Otuoma, and we will move to other counties,” he said.

Muok noted that during the ongoing voter registration, the movement is committed to engaging and mainstreaming 10 million youths over the next two years.

“We must increase active and informed youth participation in politics to ensure genuine support for the Broad-Based Government,” he said.

He added that the movement will campaign and mobilize youth votes for President Ruto in the next general election.

“Our target is the youth vote for President Ruto and youth leadership in various elective positions. We will launch the Front in all the 47 counties,” he said.

Muok explained that the Front will also engage in youth empowerment programs and facilitate participation in economic activities in collaboration with the national government.

He added that the movement will be decentralized to the locational level to ensure no youth is left out of the new political and economic dispensation.

The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) intends to register 6.3 million new voters ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Recently, IEBC commenced continuous voter registration and released an update on the number of new voters per county.

The commission reported that within just four days of relaunching the exercise on September 29, 2025, a total of 7,048 new voters had registered. Nairobi County led with 1,197 new voters, followed by Mombasa with 536.

Other top-performing counties included Kiambu (386), Kisii (312), Machakos (260), Nakuru (247), Kilifi (243), Mandera (218), Siaya (181), and Bungoma (175).

These numbers reveal strong participation from urban and densely populated regions, alongside surprising entries such as Mandera, which outpaced larger counties like Kakamega (127) and Kisumu (139).

President William Ruto and former Prime Minister Raila Odinga formed the Broad-Based Government to ease tensions following the Gen Z uprising and protests over the contentious Finance Bill, unemployment, and the high cost of living.

The formation of the Broad-Based Government saw the appointment of ODM leaders John Mbadi, Wycliffe Oparanya, Hassan Joho, and Opiyo Wandayi to the Cabinet.

President Ruto and Raila signed a 10-point agenda under a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on March 7, 2025, and later formed a five-member committee tasked with implementing the agenda of the Broad-Based Government and the National Dialogue Committee (NADCO) report.

The committee members include columnist Gabriel Oguda, Agnes Zani, Kevin Kiarie, Fatuma Ibrahim, and political communication strategist Javas Bigambo. The principals also established a joint secretariat co-led by executive secretaries from UDA and ODM to support the committee’s operations.

The formation of the Broad-Based Youth Front by Senator Muok, a close ally of Raila, is a clear indication that ODM is likely to support Ruto’s re-election bid.

Kenya’s population is significantly youthful, with recent reports indicating that about 75% of the population is under the age of 35. The 2019 census showed that those aged 18–34 made up 29% (over 13.7 million) of the total population at the time, and projections suggest that the youth population will continue to grow.

Kenya’s mid-2025 population is estimated at approximately 53.33 million, according to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS), with 46% (21.9 million) below the age of 18. Those aged 10–19 (adolescents) constitutes 11.6 million, while the working-age population (15–64 years) accounts for 57.1%, or about 27.15 million people. In 2022, youths aged 18–35 represented 36% of the total population.

Privatise the State Corporations Worth KES 10 trillion and Invest in Regulation

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By Billy Mijungu

Kenya stands at a decisive economic crossroads. It is time the country seriously considered selling key stakes in commercial state corporations to strategic investors and offering the remaining shares through Initial Public Offers. Done right, this could be one of the most transformative economic reforms of our time.Privatisation is not about surrendering national assets. It is a deliberate and strategic shift from state ownership to effective regulation.

The role of government must evolve from running businesses to ensuring that businesses run efficiently, transparently, and in the public interest. By divesting from state run enterprises and focusing on robust regulatory oversight, the government can redirect its energies and resources toward building a fair, competitive, and growth driven economy.
The logic is straightforward. If these corporations collectively hold assets worth over KES 10 trillion, yet the government earns less than KES 100 billion annually from them, something is fundamentally inefficient.

The economic value trapped in these corporations can be unlocked by letting private capital and management drive performance, innovation, and profitability. Meanwhile, the government can still benefit through taxes, dividends, and better regulatory returns without bearing the burden of inefficiency. Proceeds from privatisation can be a powerful tool for economic recovery. They can help reduce domestic debt, stabilise the fiscal balance, and ease pressure on the exchequer. Strengthening controls on capital repatriation and encouraging reinvestment of profits within the country will deepen the local economy.

The resulting corporate efficiency will spur competition, create jobs, improve service delivery, and raise productivity across sectors. Equally important, the rejuvenated activity at the bourse would inject much needed vibrancy into the Nairobi Securities Exchange. A surge in listings and transactions would attract foreign investors, boost foreign direct investment inflows, and increase government revenues from day to day trade activities. Privatisation could therefore act as a double engine driving both fiscal relief and capital market expansion.

But the greatest challenge remains trust. Who can Kenyans rely on to manage the sale of these assets and ensure that the proceeds are used transparently for development? This is where institutional integrity becomes the foundation of success. A strong, independent regulatory framework backed by public accountability can guard against corruption and guarantee that privatisation benefits all Kenyans, not just a privileged few.

Kenya’s prosperity will not come from owning businesses but from nurturing a dynamic private sector operating within a strong, fair, and transparent regulatory environment. The government’s strength must lie in oversight, not ownership.

Was It a Show of Might or Panic by ODM and Wanga Over the Kasipul By-Election?

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By Hope Barbra

The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) and Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga could be walking into panic mode over the Kasipul by-election.

On Wednesday, during the presentation of nomination papers to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) by Boyd Were, ODM and Wanga displayed what could be viewed as either a show of might or panic.

During a meet-the-people tour after presenting the papers to the IEBC, Wanga let the cat out of the bag by saying that the murder of the immediate former area MP, Charles Ongondo Were, was a plot to scuttle and undermine her political power in Kasipul and Homa Bay County.

“The Kasipul by-election was a plot to finish me. The killers of Ongondo wanted to end my political grip in Kasipul and Homa Bay County.

There is a scheme and plot to finish me in Homa Bay County politics and leadership. They have resorted to abusing me in public. They want ODM to lose in Kasipul so that the national chairperson of the party cannot even deliver a seat in her backyard.

Those who opposed my candidature as governor are back plotting against me. They don’t accept that we have delivered and brought Homa Bay County to the national limelight.

They want to finish me politically. It is a war to remove me from the governor’s seat in Homa Bay,” she said at the rally.

Wanga also wrote on her X handle:

“The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) proudly presents Boyd Were Ong’ondo as our official candidate for the upcoming Kasipul Parliamentary by-election!

This morning, we stood firmly with him as he presented his nomination papers to the IEBC in Kosele. Our strong delegation was led by DPL Abdulswamad Shariff Nassir and included DPL Godfrey Osotsi, Sec. Gen. Senator Edwin Sifuna, Wajir Governor Ahmed Abdullahi, MPs Peter Kaluma, Fatuma Full Network, Dr. Joyce Osogo Bensuda, Senators Moses Kajwang, Eddy Muok, Ledama Ole Kina, and a host of other leaders and residents of Kasipul Constituency.

The journey to 27th November has now officially begun! Thank you, Kasipul, for your overwhelming show of love and confidence in ODM and our incoming Kasipul MP, Hon. Boyd Were!”

Homa Bay Senator Moses Kajwang also acknowledged the ODM machinery that landed in Kasipul and hoped their presence would sway the public to elect the party’s candidate.

Kajwang wrote on his Facebook page:

“The ODM machinery is in Kasipul Constituency to root for Boyd Were, our candidate in the upcoming by-election. The primaries are over, and we must now work in accord to deliver victory on 27th November.”

Conspicuously absent at the rally was Deputy Governor Oyugi Magwanga, a bitter rival of the immediate former MP.

Magwanga and Wanga differed over the ODM primaries, with the former supporting Newton Ogada while the Governor supported Were.

Earlier attempts by Wanga to convince Magwanga to support Boyd failed, and the two have now differed openly.

Reportedly, Wanga asked Magwanga to support Boyd and, in return, she would back his candidature for the ODM Homa Bay County chairman seat.

Magwanga confirmed the visit, saying they discussed various issues but neither denied nor confirmed whether he was approached to support the son of his political nemesis in exchange for the county ODM chair seat.

“The Governor visited me last night, and we discussed several issues. You are free to speculate whatever we discussed. I have been having several visitors to my home, and everyone is welcome,” he said.

Wanga and Magwanga are likely to face off in the 2027 gubernatorial election.

The by-election has also attracted leading candidates Philip Aroko and Robert Riaga, both vying as independents, and Sam Rateng Otiende of UPA.

ODM is facing stiff competition from opposition candidates who enjoy the support of professionals and the business community.

Chairman of the Kasipul Professionals Caucus, Tom Awino Okoko, said he declined Wanga’s request to support Boyd, saying the people should be allowed to make an independent choice.

“It is true Wanga reached out to me. I was very specific with her. I told her to stop interfering in the nomination and allow the people of Kasipul to elect a leader of their choice. We do not want outsiders to decide for us. As professionals, we know what is good for Kasipul,” he said.

The by-election is crucial and strategic for both Wanga and Magwanga ahead of the 2027 general elections, where they may face each other at the ballot box for the county seat.

For Wanga, the demise of Ongondo left a vacuum that she must fill with her preferred candidate.

Ongondo was the checkmate to Magwanga, and the two were bitter rivals who rarely shared a podium. Ongondo was used by Wanga to checkmate and tame her deputy while controlling his political influence in the constituency.

For Magwanga, he wants to have a say in the constituency he once represented for two terms before he decided to vie for the gubernatorial seat in the 2017 and 2022 elections.

Kasipul remains his fulcrum if he intends to pursue his ambition, and he wants a new MP allied to him to take over from Ongondo.

The by-election is a warm-up for Wanga and Magwanga as they gear up for the 2027 elections.

Will KANU Crow Again in Baringo Senatorial By-Election After Annihilation by UDA in 2022 Elections?

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By Anderson Ojwang

Ahead of the 2022 general elections, Gideon Moi toyed with a presidential ambition and even claimed that he was not scared by then Deputy President William Ruto’s presidential bid.

Moi was indeed positioning himself not only for Kalenjin leadership but also nationally, following in his father’s footsteps.

The move drew mixed reactions, with his supporters urging him to run for the presidency while others dismissed him.

Moi would later abandon the dream and instead opt to support the Azimio La Umoja presidential candidate Raila Odinga.

Similarly, Moi opted to defend his Baringo senatorial seat on a KANU ticket, but the strong Ruto and UDA wave slayed the cock.

Moi suffered a shocking defeat to UDA candidate William Cheptumo. Cheptumo recently died, occasioning a by-election in which Moi hopes to reclaim the party’s lost glory.

The loss of the seat was a wake-up call to Moi over the power shift. After the loss, Moi restructured and rebranded the party of independence.

Previously, Baringo County—the home of Kenya’s second president, the late Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi—was the seat of power.

But with Moi’s exit, the power shifted to Sugoi in Uasin Gishu, and Moi was left to control pockets of Baringo County.

After the 2002 presidential loss by KANU’s presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta, Uhuru and Ruto—who was then the party secretary general—defected to the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) ahead of 2007.

Ruto and Moi took different political paths, with the latter remaining with KANU while Ruto formed URP and later UDA, which eventually landed him the presidency.

Moi has now officially joined the race for the forthcoming Baringo senatorial by-election, where he will face off with UDA’s Vincent Kiprono, as well as independent candidates Daisy Jeptoo and Benjamin Chebon.

In a recent statement, the party confirmed that Moi was nominated after extensive consultations, deliberations, and consensus within KANU and with the people of Baringo.

“This decision underscores the party’s unwavering commitment to offering experienced, visionary, and people-centered leadership at a critical juncture for Baringo County and the nation at large,” wrote KANU’s Director of Communications, Manasse Nyainda.

Moi expressed gratitude to KANU members, supporters, and the people of Baringo for their patience, confidence, and steadfast support. He pledged to run a people-driven campaign anchored on inclusivity, accountability, and service delivery.

KANU called on supporters across Baringo County and the country to rally behind Moi as he embarks on what the party termed a “crucial journey.”

Moi has embarked on the campaign by offering goodies to teachers to win their vote bloc.

Moi officially kick-started his campaign for the Baringo Senate seat with a donation of Ksh 2.5 million to teachers in the county.

The contribution was delivered on Saturday, October 4, 2025, during a teachers’ meeting in Baringo County, where former Baringo Woman Representative Gladwell Cheruiyot represented Moi and handed over the funds on his behalf.

Sources have revealed that Deputy President Kithure Kindiki has convened a meeting with all MPs from the county in his office, which is widely seen as a strategy to counter KANU’s influence in the region.

MPs invited to attend the meeting include Joseph Makilap (Baringo North), Reuben Kiborek (Mogotio), Charles Kamuren (Baringo South), Musa Sirma (Eldama-Ravine), William Kamket (Tiaty), Joshua Kandie (Baringo Central), and Florence Jematiah (Woman Representative).

Kamket has stated that only a candidate on a UDA ticket will be voted in by the people of Baringo in the upcoming senatorial by-election.

While speaking in his constituency on Thursday, October 2, 2025, the MP—who was originally elected on Gideon Moi’s KANU ticket before defecting to UDA—emphasized that only candidates affiliated with UDA would be elected, dismissing those from other parties.

But the Baringo senatorial by-election provides Moi with the opportunity to make the cock crow once again and to catapult himself into the region’s emerging new political matrix.

For Moi, the Baringo seat is a must-win to remain relevant in the emerging political matrix both in the region and nationally.

It is a must-win for Moi to ensure the party of independence is back crowing, and this explains why the party is sponsoring candidates in several by-elections.

After the Conference, Governor Kangata Now Invites Investors

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By Hope Barbra

After successfully hosting the inaugural investment conference in June this year, the Murang’a County Government has now called for proposals from investors.

Governor Irungu Kang’ata wrote on his X handle, “Invest in Murang’a now. The county formally invites applications for investment opportunities, particularly from manufacturers.”

In the post captioned Investment Opportunities in Murang’a County, the governor called for public requests for proposals pursuant to Section 12(1)(e) of the Land Act, Cap 28.

Murang’a County Government is committed to industrializing the county, creating jobs, and enhancing opportunities for value addition to its diverse agricultural products. The ultimate goal is to increase farmers’ income, improve the overall standard of living for residents, and boost the county’s own-source revenue.

The additional revenue will support ongoing public projects such as paving more roads and expanding healthcare systems, among others.

In pursuit of this vision, the county hosted its inaugural investment conference on 13th–14th June 2025. During the conference, a market sounding of available opportunities was undertaken, and the county pledged to provide detailed investment opportunities at a later date.

“The county government now formally invites interested investors to explore and engage in these opportunities,” the statement read.

The target investment areas include the Murang’a Industrial Park at Gikono Landfall, SME Parks, and the Export Processing Zone. Interested investors were advised to fill out the Request for Proposal form and submit it by October 14th, 2025.

Kang’ata said during the conference that the county had several investment opportunities.

“Your Excellency, we are here for this conference for four reasons: we want to attract industries that can come and invest. Through that, we will be able to create jobs, raise revenue, and create backward linkages for our farmers.

In the Murang’a Industrial Park, we have 1,300 acres of land at a place near Makenji.

The master plan has been approved by the County Assembly. Out of that, 500 acres have been donated to EPZ, and we are happy they are currently building infrastructure.

The remaining 800 acres have been zoned for manufacturing and other uses. We have also given national government agencies pieces of land inside this park.

The Ministry of Housing has embarked on the second phase of its housing program—2,200 units within the park—and construction is ongoing. This land is open to anyone who wants to do manufacturing,” he said.

Murang’a County can be argued to be Kenya’s economic heartbeat and home to many of the country’s billionaires.

Murang’a is known for its fertile soil and favorable climate, which support both food and cash crop farming. The main food crops grown in the area include maize, beans, sweet potatoes, arrowroots, pumpkins, and bananas, while the key cash crops are tea and coffee.

The county has a rich history dating back to the missionary and colonial era, which may have shaped its destiny toward economics rather than politics.

Murang’a was the first place the missionaries ventured into and settled. When the British set up the East African Protectorate in 1895, their first administrative post, Fort Smith, was located in Murang’a.

During the conference, the Chief Executive Officer of Equity Group Holdings, Dr. James Mwangi, told President William Ruto that the county was well served with tarmac roads and only needed investors.

“Last time I stayed at the Four Seasons Hotel in New York, I paid $12 for a sachet of 10 grams of tea that I produced. As an accountant, I computed $12 by Sh130—the exchange rate—and it came to Sh1,500. As a farmer, I only got Sh75.

Your Excellency, if there is no other case, this demonstrates the power of value addition for Murang’a farmers. This is the only way we can motivate them.

The second aspect, Your Excellency, is that tea is grown in the upper zone. There is no ridge in Murang’a without a tarmacked road to the upper ridge. So we are not asking for more road infrastructure—you did the Mau Mau Road, and I have seen the work ongoing. Let’s complete it.

We are not asking for heavy investment in roads; what we need are jobs and industries to enable the produce to reach manufacturing hubs.

Your Excellency, it is clean industrialization. Murang’a is next to the Seven Falls Hydro Dam. We shall use hydro energy so Kenya can teach the world that manufacturing can be green. Our tea would be green.

But Your Excellency, I would fail if I didn’t remind you that Murang’a is also the number one avocado producer in Kenya.

We can construct factories for avocado processing so that we may stop selling fruits and instead sell oil.

If you can help us, we can also venture into cosmetics manufacturing. This way, we go up to Sh1,500 instead of Sh75.

Your Excellency, we are also number two in macadamia production and number two in coffee. There is no other county that can give you that kind of scope—it’s only Murang’a.

I’m persuading the government to support this initiative because it has the potential. Murang’a can also carry the rest of the central region because it is the gateway to the city and export routes.

The produce from Murang’a can be complemented by produce from Nyeri, Kirinyaga, and even Meru, since the infrastructure is complete.

However, we are not creating enough jobs to enable our people to pay taxes like I do. So why don’t we solve the equation by giving them jobs through the industrial park?

Your Excellency, I stand to say that I will support this initiative. Equity Bank will fully finance this industrialization program,” he said.

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