By Habil Onyango

The fallout between Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga and her key ally, former Speaker and political adviser Julius Gaya, has sparked a political storm in the county.

While Gaya has gained support from greater Rachuonyo and parts of the county over his criticism of the Governor for failing to deliver on her campaign pledge, a section of Members of County Assembly have accused Gaya of bitterness and witch-hunt.

Gaya, at the weekend, apologised to the electorate for having lied to them during the campaigns and said the county government has failed to deliver on the development agenda.

“I am sorry that we lied to you to vote us. You elected Governor Wanga and as an insider I can confirm we have no development projects to show for it.

It is sad that the immediate Governor Cyprian Awiti performed better than the current one.

It is time we say the truth and rescue the county from the collapse. We have no development to show for the over Sh13 billion disbursed to the county,” he said.

But Assembly Majority Leader Richard Ogindo dismissed Gaya’s claims, saying he should be the last person to criticise Wanga’s government because the Governor prevailed on the MCAs to elect him even when he didn’t qualify.

During a recent funeral service in the Karachuonyo Constituency, Gaya expressed his disappointment with Governor Wanga’s administration and apologised to residents for convincing them to support her in the last general elections.

He stated, “Through my influence, you accepted and voted for Wanga as the next governor. However, I want to apologise for misleading you; she has completely failed to honour the promises she made during the campaigns.”

Gaya further asked for forgiveness, noting, “We made a mistake by electing Wanga as governor. We should not have elected a ‘young lady’ to lead us. There will come a time when we will decide what to do in the 2027 general elections.”

The Rachuonyo region comprises the constituencies of Karachuonyo, Kasipul, and Kabondo Kasipul.

But Ogindo described Gaya’s comments as “reckless” and “baseless.”

Ogindo pointed out that Gaya has benefited politically under Wanga’s leadership, having served as the Assembly Speaker before resigning.

He criticised Gaya for belittling the governor by referring to her as a “young lady,” stating, “The young lady gave you an opportunity to serve as the Assembly Speaker and later as her political adviser.”

After stepping down from the Speaker position, Gaya was appointed as the governor’s political adviser, a position he ultimately left.
“Let us respect women in leadership. Some people are trying to belittle her, failing to recognise the development she has brought to the people of Homa Bay,” Ogindo said.

He also noted that Gaya has no standing to dictate directions for the people of Karachuonyo in the upcoming elections. Ogindo reminded Gaya that the very governor he is criticising is the same person who allowed him to serve as Speaker after Gaya failed to produce his academic credentials for nomination to the County Executive Committee for the Trade position.

George Maigo, the ODM Karachuonyo branch chairman, condemned Gaya’s remarks about Wanga’s performance as unfortunate.
He emphasised that the accomplishments of Wanga’s administration over the past three years cannot be equated with the ten years of the previous regime led by Governor Cyprian Awiti, during which Gaya served as an MCA.

“I urge Gaya to refrain from making comments that portray the people of Karachuonyo as opposing Wanga’s leadership. Wanga was elected by the people, and her administration is for the people, by the people, and centred on their needs,” Maigo stated.
He dismissed Gaya as a spokesperson for Karachuonyo, calling him just a voter like any other resident of the region.

MCA Colela Obuya from Wang’chieng cautioned Gaya to stop disparaging the governor by referring to her as a “young lady,” reminding him that there are other leaders in significant positions who are younger than Wanga, such as Embakasi MP Babu Owino, who is eyeing the Nairobi gubernatorial position, and ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna.

“We will not allow anyone to intimidate the governor simply because she is a woman. We, the people of Karachuonyo, will continue to support her and are grateful for the projects she has initiated in our wards,” Obuya declared.

Both Maigo and Obuya spoke during the Karachuonyo ODM leaders’ monthly meeting in Kibiri Ward, warning that no one from the region has the authority to direct voters ahead of the 2027 general elections except the party.

In response, Gaya warned those criticising him, stating on his Facebook account, “I have not yet started the war with the governor, yet you all are making noise.”

Governor Wanga has previously defended her record of development and appointments to the people of Karachuonyo, who she claims voted for her in a landslide victory.
She noted that nearly half of the county appointments have gone to individuals from Karachuonyo, including her deputy, Oyugi Magwanga, who also serves as the Agriculture Chief Executive Committee Member (CECM).
Other appointees from the region include CECMs Joash Aloo (Trade), Dannish Onyango (Roads), Solomon Obiero (Finance), Elijah Munga (Sports), and the Speaker of the County Assembly, Polycap Okombo, among others.

By Billy Mijungu

Let us be fair, while we could raise money locally by listing Kenya Railways and using it to develop more commuter rails within the city and to other satellite towns, we are not. My imagination is the National Boda Boda Sacco raising funds to buy into the rail business, and so should the Matatu Saccos that move millions of Kenyans daily. When transaction advisors structure such listings, they must create categories that allow participation from local sectors so that ordinary Kenyans and their enterprises are not locked out of owning a piece of national infrastructure. This is how wealth is spread and patriotism in development is strengthened.

Kenya Pipeline is another example. We could list it, raise money, and fast track the expansion of the oil pipeline to service the LAPSSET corridor. The project would link us better to Ethiopia and South Sudan while enhancing our position as a regional hub. Yet we hold back, keeping assets that can develop themselves idle and dependent on government allocations. Why are we afraid? Why can we not be transparent in these transactions? Every time we have opened up parastatals through the capital markets, the stories have been nothing short of successful. KenGen, Kenya Re, Safaricom; these listings remain some of the brightest jewels in the Nairobi Securities Exchange. They elevated our bourse into one of the most attractive in Africa and drew in foreign direct investment that went beyond paper wealth to create jobs, innovation, and infrastructure.

If we were bold enough, we could sell even 10% more of Safaricom and raise substantial capital to finance the next phase of development. That money could fast track Konza Technopolis into becoming a global smart city rather than a project that lingers for decades. The truth is that our parastatals hold untapped capital sitting idle in government books. If unlocked through the market, this capital can build the country faster, while still maintaining state oversight and national interest.

But one rule must be followed religiously: the proceeds of these sales should go directly into the development of the same sector. If Kenya Railways sells shares, the money must build more railways and modernize stations. If Kenya Pipeline lists, the proceeds must extend our oil distribution network. If Safaricom is partly offloaded, the capital must build our ICT backbone, digital hubs, and research centres. What must never happen is for this money to vanish into debt repayment or to be swallowed by recurrent expenditure. That would defeat the whole purpose and leave us in a worse position with nothing left to sell. Strategic reinvestment is the safeguard of our national assets and the guarantee of future growth.

This is how countries grow their capital markets. This is how citizens begin to feel ownership of their national corporations. When Kenyans own a stake in Kenya Railways, when Boda Boda and Matatu Saccos own a stake in transport infrastructure, they protect it, they use it, and they hold it accountable. When farmers buy into Kenya Pipeline, they demand efficiency because they too benefit from its success. It ceases to be the government’s company and becomes the people’s company, a collective pride that inspires discipline in management.

We should not fear privatization through the stock market. It is not selling off the family silver; it is sharpening it to ensure it serves us longer and better. The government’s responsibility is simple: to make sure it is Kenyans buying these shares. That way wealth remains at home, opportunities circulate among us, and future generations inherit institutions that are vibrant, competitive, and globally relevant.

Listing parastatals is not just about raising money. It is about creating a culture of shared prosperity, transparency, and economic participation. The faster we embrace this, the quicker we shall move into the future with confidence, knowing our assets are not only safe but thriving under the collective stewardship of the people

By Anderson Ojwang

The numbers factor or shareholding may come to haunt the newly formed united opposition alliance in the choice of a presidential candidate to face off with President William Ruto in the 2027 presidential contest.

The alliance that brings together the impeached deputy president Rigathi Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, Eugene Wamalwa, Fred Matiangi and Martha Karua may find itself in a similar situation found himself with his former deputy.

During Tuesday night interview with Citizens TV Gachugua could have opened the lid to a stormy and thorny issue of numbers each of the presidential aspirants’ control and why he should be considered as the flag bearer.

After his impeachment, Gachagua retreated to Mt Kenya to consolidate the vote bock and now control the region’s politics through his DCP party while Karua plays second fiddle in the control of the region’s political dispensation.

In the last presidential election, in Kirinyaga Karua whose was running mate to Azimio La Umoja Presidential candidate Raila Odinga only delivered 14 percent of the votes despite the county being her backyard. Gachagua delivered 84.08 percent to Ruto accounting for 220.752 against Raila’s 37,978 votes.

In 2007, when Kalonzo contested for presidency on ODM-K ticke and came third after he secured over 800,000 votes countrywide. His votes in Ukambani accounted for 80 per cent of his total tally, trouncing his competitors, ODM leader Raila and the then president, Mwai Kibaki.

Wamalwa is currently engaged in war over the control of his DAP-K party with the Trans Nzoia governor George Natembeya and this has clouded his political agenda. Equally, Wamalwa controls no specific vote bloc in Western Kenya and nationally, this making him a fringe presidential aspirant in the alliance.

Gachagua during the interview explained why he was the best suited candidate and why the opposition should unite and present a single candidate.

“I am interested in running for presidency. I am a candidate to be the president of Kenya. I am qualified and I have support. I am looking for more support and I will be in the ballot.

The constitution guarantees me the right to vie for any office even if I have been convicted. I have not exhausted the avenues available in law. Rigathi Gachagua  has a matter before the High Court. It has not even been heard. I will go up to Supreme Court to get justice until then nothing stops me from contesting. I remain free to run for any office as provided in the law.

Kalonzo has capacity to lead the country, so it is for Karua, Matiangi and Wamalwa but I hope they will support me.

We have agreed that along the way all the contenders will agree on the one of us who will be our flag bearer.

I pray and hope thar I will be one. Because I have the drive and the strategies and numbers. Knowing William Ruto, I know him well and I am the best suited person to take him home.

Unity is a must, and we have no choice but to choose one candidate to face William Ruto. All of us have committed and I will be persuading my colleagues that we publicly sign a pact with people of Kenya committing that all of us will support whoever is picked and none will rebel. We will have one candidate, and I believe that the candidate will be me,” he said.

But Gachagua will have to contend with the ghost of shareholding and the number factor to convince his colleagues that he is a nationalist and not a tribalist.

Interestingly, Gachagua fall out with Ruto could have been as a result of the number of votes he delivered to Ruto and the unwritten agreement of 40 percent stake in the Kenya Kwanza government.

This left Ruto with only 60 percent to share out to other allies and regions that did not support his presidential bid in the 2022 presidential election.

The move by Gachagua on the numbers factor could scuttle the united opposition agenda after he declared that he has the numbers and should be considered as the presidential candidate.

“What was agreed on must be fulfilled. We made an agreement that we are investing in this government. This is our expectations. It was a negotiated agreement, and it should be honored to the letter.

Other people were not insisting on the honoring of their agreement. I was under pressure from the people I negotiated on their behalf.

William Ruto turned against me and that he did not want to honor on what we had agreed. Luckily for me and it is mistake that I did and I have to live with, I didn’t insist on a written agreement.

I negotiated for positions, developments, roads, coffee and tea reforms, guaranteed minimum returns for the counties in Kenya.

He came to me because he wanted votes from my region, it was a give and take situation. He asked me, Rigathi I want 75 percent of votes from this region, can you deliver, I said yes and delivered 87 percent. I told him that I expect the following, ministries namely Interior, Finance, trade, Agriculture, Water, Lands and Attorney General.

For me and Ruto, where we started having problem, is when he started taking away what we had negotiated. He took away Finance and gave it to John Mbadi,” he said.

Already Raila has declared that the coalition between him and Ruto will go beyond 2027 and that the electorates will make decision at the ballot.

By Anderson Ojwang

The red flags raised by booming population growth and failure by successive presidents to put in place economic plan to address the bulge is what has triggered the current Genz bomb.

Former Cabinet Minister Mr. Raphael Tuju  said lack of economic planning by the successive regimes was to blame for the current unemployment among youths witnessed in the country.

He said warning by the economist and other players on the need to put strictures to avoid the bomb were ignored and is now a challenge the country has to wrestle with and find a solution.

Tuju said in a reference to an interview he conducted in1986 with the then Minister for Economic Development, the late Dr Robert Ouko said the Genz phenomena had been boiling for the last 40 years.

He said Dr Ouko had warned that Kenya would run into problem if  the emerging population bulge against economic growth was not addressed.

He said  in the 1980s and 1990s  Kenya had the highest population increase  in the whole world at 4.2 percent but the subsequent leaderships were not addressing how to tackle the economic growth to tackle increasing population.

Currently secondary schools churn out nearly 1m students every year and in the last five years , the figure is in the region of 5 million while the government can only employ between 50,00-100,000 annually.

The mismatch between job opportunities and the high number of students graduating is what has created unemployment bomb in the country.

“For example, in Kisii , Kiambu and Vihiga the population growth  stood at 6 percent then, which was unprecedented in the world’s history in terms of  demographics. That was attributed to  births and not migration.

Ouko told me that we are going to be in a very hot soup with the youth population bulge in subsequent decades but we never addressed the  problems and that is why we are the situation today.

Those countries that were able to address the problem have been able to get out of them.

 In 1973, when president Kenyatta was launching KICC, the 28 storey KICC building was the tallest in Africa and in the whole of China, there tallest building was 26 storeys tall.

They were marveling at that time just how  young African country had actually surpassed them in some of the important indices. China GDP  per capita was below Kenya until 1978.

We got it wrong at some. Kenya, Singapore and Korea were at the same economic level of development at independence. Kenya got it wrong when anybody who had a mind was shot  dead. They shot dead Tom Mboya, who was the  then Economic Planning, a very visionary leader.

Dr Ouko was killed and the only lucky guy who survived during that generation of thinkers was Mwai Kibaki,” he said.

Tuju credited President Kibaki for trying to address the mismatch and gave credit that for first time in 2007, Kenya reached its  economic growth  rate of over 7 percent, which was essential minimum they needed to address the Genze problem currently witnessed in the country.

“But this was soon scuttled and crushed after Kenya’s resorted to ethnic mobilization and the economic growth took a downward spiral after 2007 general elections.

The biggest  problem in Kenya is the ethnic mobilization in our politics.  We look everything in terms of our tribe and not the country. This explains why I could survive to be re-elected as MP for Rarieda because I supported President Kibaki.

In the 2022 general elections, we had issued and ideology based campaign, but currently we are back to ethnic mobilization which is  still taking place through the political class. What is the source of power of influential political class ?. The tribe. Lack of ideological politics  is what is killing our growth.

We are back to ethnic mobilization. It’s very difficult to get the tribe out of the people,” he said

He said it was possible for the country to change demographic bombs into dividends through economic growth and planning.

“As a country, we must have hope and point out where we have problems. I am convinced Kenya has the potential to become one of the economic households if we get it right,” he said.

Kenya’s economic growth since independence in 1963 can be divided into periods, with a highly successful “Kenyan miracle” of rapid growth (6.6% average annual GDP growth) in the first decade (1963-1973), fueled by agriculture and import-substitution industrialization. Growth then decelerated in the 1970s, declined significantly in the 1980s and 1990s, and saw significant fluctuations with a recession in the early 2000s before a revival in the mid-2000s

• 1963-1973: Rapid “Kenyan Miracle”
  • Growth Rate: An average annual GDP growth rate of about 6.6%. 
  • ·         Drivers: Favorable weather, rising agricultural incomes, investment in import-substituting industries, and the creation of the East African Community. 
  • ·         Policy: The government promoted public investment and encouraged both private (often foreign) and smallholder agricultural production. 
• 1974-1979: Slowdown in Growth
  • Factors: This period experienced a deceleration in growth, partly due to oil price shocks and other factors. 
• 1980s-1990s: Significant Decline
  • Growth Rate: GDP growth declined substantially, averaging 4.2% in the 1980s and further dropping to 2.2% annually in the 1990s. 
• Early 2000s: Recession and Revival
  • Recession: The economy experienced a significant setback, including a negative GDP growth rate in the 2000/2001 fiscal year. 
  • Revival: The economy began to recover, with growth accelerating to over 6% by the 2006/2007 fiscal year. 

Kenya is currently off and on being rocked by protests by Gen-Zs that represent a significant challenge to President  Ruto’s presidency and the resilience of Kenya’s democratic institutions.

Last year, Kenya  was rocked by protest over a contentious tax bill have turned deadly, which forced the government to shelve the bill.

Young Kenyans are eager to participate in ensuring Kenya’s economic growth.  The  youth have taken the lead in educating, sharing information, and live streaming the protests and their demands.