By Hon Sammy Weya

Recent remarks by Hon. John Mbadi suggesting that “Raila is dead and we should move on swiftly” have shocked and angered many loyal supporters of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) across the country. Such statements are not only careless and insensitive, but they also reveal a worrying level of arrogance and political ingratitude from a man whose entire political career was built and nurtured by the sacrifices, struggles, and leadership of Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga.

Let us be honest with ourselves. Raila Odinga made many leaders politically relevant, including John Mbadi. ODM supporters stood with these leaders through difficult moments because of their loyalty to Raila and the ideals he represented — democracy, social justice, inclusivity, and the fight for ordinary Kenyans. For Mbadi to now dismiss the emotions and attachment of millions of supporters with such reckless language is both disrespectful and unacceptable.

We have seen this type of political arrogance before. Many leaders rise quickly, become intoxicated with power and status, develop a “big man syndrome,” and begin imagining that they are bigger than the movement that created them. History in Kenyan politics has repeatedly shown that such attitudes rarely end well. Political relevance is not sustained by arrogance, but by humility, respect, and connection to the people.

Winnie Odinga simply asked legitimate and difficult questions regarding the state of Kenya’s economy, the ballooning debt burden, and the frustration being experienced by millions of citizens. These are not imaginary concerns. Kenyans are struggling with the high cost of living, shrinking business opportunities, unemployment, and growing economic uncertainty. Instead of responding with maturity and facts, some leaders have chosen to attack and dismiss those raising these concerns.

ODM supporters are still emotionally wounded and politically disoriented. It has not even been a year, and many people within the movement are still trying to regain their footing. Mourning a political icon and statesman of Raila Odinga’s stature is not something people simply “move on from” overnight. Raila represented hope to millions of Kenyans who felt excluded, unheard, and marginalized by the system.

Those who claim to have “moved on” should at least have the decency to respect those who are still grieving and reflecting on the future of the movement. Leadership requires empathy and emotional intelligence, not dismissive rhetoric aimed at silencing genuine feelings and concerns.

Hon. Mbadi would do well to remember that political seasons change quickly in Kenya. The same people cheering him today can just as easily walk away tomorrow. Respect for the movement, respect for Raila’s legacy, and respect for ODM supporters must never be treated casually.

The people are watching, listening, and taking note.

The writer is a former MP, Alego Usonga.

By Anderson Ojwang

The bug in the family. In the little-known Rata village and Ndiru Primary School in Seme sub-county rose Kenya’s theatre legend.

Kenya’s bearded professor, Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o, wrote the story of the country’s global arts and theatre through a bug that bit the family and runs deep.

From Alliance High came Peter

From Alliance High School came Peter, who in Form One defied all the odds and volunteered to be among the prospective actors of that year’s play by Shakespeare, Twelfth Night.

“From Ndiru Primary School, where I trekked for four kilometres, went without lunch for four years, sat and passed my exams, a passion was born. I passed and joined Alliance High School. One fine morning, at the parade ground, the headmaster announced that this year they were recruiting actors for the play Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night,” he said.

The announcement triggered excitement in him and adrenaline boiled in him, and he told himself that was a chance of a lifetime that he must take up.

“Those who are interested in acting in the school’s main play, please report to the main hall at 5.00 pm. As a Form One, I reported to the venue because I wanted to be an actor in the play,” he said.

Nyong’o braved the audition and finally landed the role of a curtain boy for the play – no mean achievement for a Form One student.

“After the audition, I was told I was going to be the curtain boy. You know what a curtain boy means? Opening the curtain. I said fine, it always begins from somewhere. So I will be the curtain boy. I was a curtain boy who ended up knowing every sentence in the play,” he said.

In Form Two, when a similar announcement was made, Nyong’o was up again, running to the audition and hoping to land a better role this time than curtain boy.

“I went to the main hall, prepared for a breakthrough. That time it was another play by Shakespeare, Othello. From a curtain boy, I was cast as the Duke of Venice,” he said.

That was the beginning of Nyong’o’s life in theatre, and he later introduced theatre to the Alliance Boys Luo Association.

From Alliance High School, Nyong’o became the centre of theatre in Kisumu and even produced a play.

“I started bringing plays to Kisumu during the holidays, where they acted in the Social Hall. Finally, we graduated to Garrison Theatre, which used to be in Robert Ouko Estate. In my fourth form, I produced a play in Kisumu at Garrison Theatre. I was rising,” he said.

In Forms 4, 5, and 6, Nyong’o was playing leading roles and even became the chairman of the debating society and the school captain of Alliance Boys.

“Acting and producing plays taught me one thing: speaking on stage is something so nice. It gets everyone listening to you as you speak. You are powerful. My entry into politics started with acting plays. When I went to Makerere University, in my first year I was elected guild representative,” he said.

Mexico: Lupita the conqueror

In exile in Mexico arrived a bouncing little girl, Lupita – a gem and a typical recreation of the bearded professor in all shades.

In Lupita, Nyong’o’s theatre soulmate arrived to carry on with the journey from Alliance High School to the globe.

Lupita Nyong’o started acting as a teen in Kenya and went on to work behind the scenes of the film The Constant Gardener. She directed and produced the albinism documentary In My Genes and starred in the TV series Shuga.

In a journey to fulfil her father’s dream, Lupita went to the U.S. for higher studies and received a BA from Hampshire College. She graduated with an MFA degree from the Yale School of Drama in 2012.

In her youth spent in Kenya, she was active in theatre, starred in a TV series, and directed and produced the documentary In My Genes about the discriminatory treatment of Kenya’s albino population in 2009.

Just like her father, Lupita authored a bestselling children’s book titled Sulwe.

Her major breakthrough came in the movie 12 Years a Slave, in which her acting was critically acclaimed.

She won an Academy Award for ‘Best Supporting Actress’ for her role in this movie and is the first Mexican-Kenyan actress to receive this honour.

With other key roles in movies and on Broadway under her belt, Lupita has won numerous awards/nominations and accolades. Her next projects are to produce and star in Born a Crime, a film adaptation of Trevor Noah’s memoir, and in a television series based on Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s novel Americanah.

Lupita has become a majestic fashion icon, with red-carpet appearances and features in publications like In Style and W. She also twice graced the cover of Vogue in a short span of time, appearing on the publication’s July 2014 and October 2015 issues.

Peter and Lupita – Kenya’s arts and theatre have shone globally.

By Anderson Ojwang

Academic panic and despair have descended on the County Government of Kisumu after the Public Service Board advertised the vacant positions of directors.

In what can be seen as an academic bombshell, most of the officers who had been angling for the vacant positions have no master’s degree and had been lobbying some of the top government officials to intervene and support their cause.

But the new regime led by Prof James Obondi Otieno has raised the bar high for the vacant positions of directors in the recent internal advert calling for applications.

Interestingly, some of the would-be applicants have loudly complained about the academic requirement of a master’s degree and have even contemplated challenging the advert in court.

The advert read in parts: “Pursuant to the Constitution of Kenya 2010 and the County Government Act No. 17 of 2012, the County Government of Kisumu invites applications from suitably qualified serving officers within the County Government of Kisumu to fill the following vacant internal positions on a promotion basis. Applications open only for serving Kisumu County Government staff.”

In total, the Public Service Board advertised for 16 vacant directorial positions in the county.

The requirements for appointment included, among others, a master’s degree and a certificate in a Strategic Leadership Development Programme lasting not less than six weeks from a recognized institution.

Tension has been high at the county government prosperity offices after allegations emerged that a senior government officer was bribed to intervene on behalf of some would-be applicants.

It is alleged the officer collected between Sh200,000 from the outgoing chief officers and directors to influence contract renewal.

Sources disclosed to Western Insight that the attempts failed to succeed after the board told Governor Anyang’ Nyong’o that an internal advert would yield the desired human resources required for the positions.

Nyong’o gave the board the green light to continue with the recruitment and ensure integrity and competence during the exercise.

Sources said some of the top government officers wanted to use Nyong’o to yield and support their scheme in order to cover their backs over the bribery claims.

Prof Otieno, when contacted, said their priority was to uphold Nyong’o’s legacy by recruiting qualified personnel to drive the agenda of the county.

“We want to be fair to all applicants. Our role is to look at the qualifications. I am convinced there are so many qualified and deserving staff who merit these positions,” he said.

He said they will adhere to the constitution and remain professional in delivering their duty.

The employees at the county are happy with the structures the new board has put in place and how they are turning around the work culture in the county.

“We are happy that promotions are now on merit and we can compete without any form of favouritism,” they said.

The move has witnessed a rush by some employees to enrol for master’s degrees and other courses.

By Anderson Ojwang’

Kenya’s sugar industry faces an imminent glut following a possible saturation of the local market after a multi-agency team flagged 1,481 metric tons of excess sugar imported into the country.

In the eye of the storm is the Kisumu-based Kibos Sugar and Allied Industries, through its subsidiary, Mombasa Sugar Refineries Limited (MSRL), which was accused of importing an excess of 1,481 tons of raw sugar into the country.

According to a recent publication by the Consumer Federation of Kenya (COFEC), the multi-agency government team recently withheld the release of a 27,839-metric ton raw sugar consignment imported by Mombasa Sugar Refineries Limited (MSRL), a subsidiary of Kisumu-based Kibos Sugar.

The publication said the verification exercises uncovered an unaccounted excess of 1,481 metric tons at Mombasa Port — raising immediate questions about the integrity of the importation.

The disclosure was contained in a report generated by the Multi-Agency Team (MAT), following verification activities conducted across three sites: Mombasa Port, the Nairobi Freight Terminal, and MSRL’s processing plant in Kisumu.

Like many other private firms, Kibos Sugar acquired publicly-owned Chemilil Sugar and has many subsidiaries dealing in ethanol and fertilizers.

Recently, the government reduced the minimum sugarcane price from Sh5,750 to Sh5,500 per ton.

Similarly, the cost of a 50kg bag of sugar, which previously retailed at approximately Sh7,000, informed the earlier cane price of Sh5,750 per ton.

Currently, a sharp price fall of a 50kg bag of sugar to between Sh6,000 and Sh6,100 necessitated the review of raw material costs to ensure the industry remains viable.

In a statement, the Kenya Sugar Board said the move followed extensive consultations aimed at balancing farmer earnings, miller sustainability, and prevailing market realities as sugar production rises across the country.

“In a directive issued by the Kenya Sugar Board on April 24, 2026, all millers were instructed to immediately implement the new price and ensure prompt payments to farmers,” read the statement.

The statement said the decision was reached after deliberations by the 4th Interim Sugarcane Pricing Committee, which reviewed current market conditions and consulted key industry players.

Sources familiar with the discussions indicated that some millers had pushed for the price to be reduced further to Sh5,000 per ton, arguing that rising production costs and falling sugar prices were squeezing their margins.

“However, after careful consideration, the government settled on Sh5,500 per ton to protect farmers from a steep reduction while still responding to changing market dynamics,” read the statement.

The reduction in cane prices could have been as a result of saturation of the local sugar market by excess sugar imports, putting local farmers at risk.

Players in the sugar industry revealed that the millers had wanted the cane prices to be reduced to Sh4,500 because of the flooding of the local market by imported sugar.

Recently, Suba South MP Caroli Omondi raised a red flag over the reduction of cane prices.

The tone and style of the MAT report signals that the matter may move beyond routine regulatory oversight into the realm of senior political and fiscal decision-making.

Why was the excess consignment not declared?

At the centre of the standoff is a finding by the MAT that the consignment arrived with 1,481 metric tons more sugar than had been declared and accounted for — a discrepancy identified through the Kenya Ports Authority (KPA) OutTurn Report.

Under the binding conditions governing the release, MSRL was required to account for all excess landed quantities and seek formal clearance through the KenTrade and iCMS platforms before any sugar could leave the port.

MSRL has pushed back. The company has formally written to KPA disputing the computation of quantities, triggering a three-way reconciliation process now underway between MSRL, KPA, and the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA).

The consignment remains blocked at the port CFS pending resolution.

According to the publication, the significance of 1,481 unaccounted tons cannot be understated.

At prevailing wholesale prices for raw sugar, the quantity represents substantial fiscal exposure — and in a sector notorious for the diversion of industrially-imported sugar into the retail market, an unexplained excess at the point of entry is precisely the kind of red flag the MAT framework was designed to catch.

Verification

Beyond the quantity dispute, the MAT’s site inspections across the three locations returned a mixed picture:

At Mombasa Port, the team confirmed the presence of the cargo and found that bags were packaged in varying weights of between 46 and 49 kilograms — a notable finding given that standard commercial sugar bags carry uniform weights. All bags were confirmed to be marked “NOT FIT FOR HUMAN CONSUMPTION” as required.

At the Kisumu processing plant, the MAT found that MSRL’s facility is adequately prepared to receive, store, secure, and process the entire consignment — clearing a key prerequisite for eventual release.

At the Nairobi Freight Terminal, verification was also completed as part of the end-to-end logistics assessment.

The team further agreed that any emerging operational issues around transportation, storage, and processing would be jointly discussed and addressed conclusively — a provision suggesting the agencies anticipate further complications as the consignment moves through the supply chain.

Conditions

Notwithstanding MSRL’s execution of the binding compliance declaration on 27th March 2026 — signed by Group Corporate Affairs Manager Joyce Opondo and General Legal Counsel Nicholas Melkior Oloo — the consignment has not been released.

The MAT has also developed a draft action plan aligned with the release conditions to facilitate movement of the consignment to MSRL’s Kisumu plant once the quantity dispute is resolved.

Five documents have been generated, including the signed release conditions, an implementation matrix, and the three site verification reports from Mombasa Port (dated 31st March 2026), Kisumu, and the Nairobi Freight Terminal.

We could not reach any of the official spokespersons of MAT institutions for their comment.

Next steps

The ball now rests with MAT leadership to determine the way forward.

Three scenarios are possible:

1. If the KPA-KRA-MSRL reconciliation resolves the 1,481-tonne discrepancy in MSRL’s favour, the cargo could be released under the strict MAT conditions already signed.
2. If the excess quantity is confirmed as genuinely unaccounted for, MSRL faces the prospect of formal duty and tax assessments on the additional tonnage, potential seizure, or prosecution.
3. If the dispute remains unresolved, the consignment faces extended detention at Mombasa Port — with accumulating demurrage costs adding commercial pressure on MSRL to reach a settlement quickly.

Significance

The MSRL consignment saga spotlights systemic vulnerabilities in Kenya’s sugar import governance. The involvement of at least nine government agencies in the MAT — spanning KSB, KRA, KPA, KEBS, KenTrade, and the National Police Service — reflects the scale of institutional anxiety around sugar diversion, a problem that has cost Kenya’s domestic industry and treasury billions of shillings over many years.

The high fiscal stakes involved and the political sensitivity of the consignment cannot be over-emphasized.

Mombasa Sugar Refineries Limited (MSRL) formally committed to a sweeping 15-point compliance regime imposed by a government Multi-Agency Team, in a move that underscores deepening official anxiety over the diversion of industrially-imported sugar into Kenya’s retail market.

The Kenya Sugar Board, acting on behalf of the Multi-Agency Team (MAT), issued the conditions on 26th March 2026, with MSRL’s authorised representatives signing the Declaration of Compliance the following day, 27th March 2026.

The document establishes what amounts to a cradle-to-grave surveillance architecture over every kilogram of raw sugar in the consignment, from Mombasa Port all the way to MSRL’s processing facilities in Kisumu.

The conditions, issued by KSB and accepted by MSRL a day later, cover 15 activity areas including:

(a) Port verification — MAT officers must physically visit Mombasa Port warehouses to confirm cargo quantities and ensure all bags are marked “NOT FIT FOR HUMAN CONSUMPTION” in indelible ink.

(b) Site verification — MSRL must install CCTV across all storage and processing areas, with footage retained for the full duration of the consignment cycle. MAT retains on-demand access to all footage.

(c) Transport logistics — Sugar must move from Mombasa to Nairobi via the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR), then onward to Kisumu by road in close-bodied, RECTS-compliant trucks moving in convoys on pre-approved routes. Any truck breaking from the convoy must be immediately reported to MAT.

(d) Cargo security — Each truck must carry tamper-proof customs seals and Regional Electronic Cargo Tracking System (RECTS) e-seals, armed at loading and disarmed only at destination. MAT officers are to be deployed at designated checkpoints along the entire route.

(e) Traceability and accountability — MSRL must maintain a real-time production register recording daily input-output ratios, refined sugar quantities, by-products generated, process losses, and sales — including buyer identity, PIN, invoice number, and price.

(f) Distribution restrictions — White refined sugar produced from the consignment may only be sold to manufacturers, not retailers or the general market. All bags must bear the marking “WHITE REFINED SUGAR — FOR INDUSTRIAL USE ONLY.”

(g) Final end-to-end audit — Upon exhaustion of the consignment, MAT must undertake a comprehensive audit reconciling all quantities from port to final sale, including monthly VAT returns. The audit report must be submitted to the Cabinet Secretary, National Treasury (CS, NT) within 14 days.

Consequences

The conditions make clear that any diversion of raw sugar into the domestic market constitutes a breach, alongside repackaging for retail, selling to non-manufacturers, tampering with CCTV or RECTS seals, and obstructing authorised officers.

Consequences of breach include suspension of the conditional release, seizure of the remaining consignment, recommendation for prosecution, and enforcement action to recover taxes.

Critically, MSRL expressly acknowledged in the Declaration that any diversion by its staff, representatives, or agents is its primary liability — a provision that pierces corporate veil arguments and places personal accountability squarely on the company’s leadership.

Scrutiny

The stringent conditions reflect a Kenya sugar sector under sustained pressure. The country has long grappled with the illicit diversion of industrially-imported sugar — brought in duty-free or at reduced tariff — into the retail food chain, undercutting domestic producers and cheating the exchequer of tax revenues. The involvement of no fewer than nine agencies in the MAT — including KRA, KEBS, KenTrade, and the National Police Service — signals that authorities are treating this consignment as a high-risk operation requiring whole-of-government oversight.

The requirements suggest the consignment carries fiscal dimensions significant enough to warrant senior political attention.

By Dr. Paul Saoke – Author: Africa’s Atomic Odyssey

“Kenya’s energy future will not be defined by whether it has renewable resources, but by how effectively it transforms those resources into stable, scalable, and industrial-grade power systems. Green hydrogen offers the opportunity to bridge the gap between renewable abundance, industrial growth, AI-driven economies, and long-term climate sustainability without the financial and environmental burdens associated with nuclear energy.”

Green Hydrogen: Powering Kenya’s Future

Kenya today stands at a unique energy crossroads. On one hand, the country possesses some of the most promising renewable energy resources in Africa, including geothermal, solar, wind, hydro, and biomass potential. In fact, Kenya is already globally recognized for having one of the highest shares of renewable electricity generation in its energy mix, with geothermal energy serving as a major backbone of the national grid. Yet despite this renewable advantage, the country still faces a growing energy challenge driven by rapid urbanization, industrialization, population growth, digital transformation, electric mobility, and the emerging demands of artificial intelligence, advanced manufacturing, and data-driven economies.

The issue is therefore not simply whether Kenya has renewable energy potential. The deeper issue is whether the country can generate enough stable, affordable, scalable, and future-ready energy to sustain long-term industrial growth while simultaneously meeting climate commitments and avoiding energy insecurity.

As Kenya pursues industrial expansion through initiatives such as Special Economic Zones (SEZs), digital infrastructure, smart cities, electric transport systems, and AI-enabled industries, electricity demand is expected to rise substantially over the next two decades. Hyperscale data centres, advanced manufacturing facilities, logistics systems, and AI-driven digital economies require enormous and uninterrupted energy supply. This creates legitimate concerns about whether the existing renewable energy mix alone can support future economic transformation without creating supply constraints, grid instability, or escalating energy costs.

It is within this context that the debate around nuclear energy has increasingly emerged in Kenya. Advocates of nuclear power argue that it offers stable baseload electricity capable of supporting industrialization and long-term energy security. However, nuclear energy presents major financial, environmental, technological, geopolitical, and regulatory challenges that may not align easily with Kenya’s current economic realities or long-term sustainability priorities.

Nuclear power projects typically require:

• extremely high upfront capital costs,
• long development timelines,
• complex regulatory systems,
• advanced technical expertise,
• radioactive waste management,
• major water requirements,
• and long-term geopolitical and security considerations.

For many developing economies, including Kenya, nuclear energy risks becoming an expensive and inflexible infrastructure pathway that could create future fiscal and environmental liabilities.

Green hydrogen, by contrast, presents a far more adaptive, scalable, and strategically advantageous alternative for Kenya’s future energy transition.

Kenya possesses exceptional natural conditions for becoming a major green hydrogen economy. The country’s abundant geothermal resources, high solar irradiance, wind corridors, and expanding renewable energy base provide ideal conditions for large-scale green hydrogen production through renewable-powered electrolysis.

Unlike nuclear energy, green hydrogen does not produce radioactive waste, does not require highly centralized mega-reactor infrastructure, and can be deployed incrementally and flexibly across industrial zones, transport corridors, ports, SEZs, and urban centres. More importantly, green hydrogen complements Kenya’s renewable energy strengths rather than competing with them.

One of the greatest advantages of green hydrogen is its ability to solve the intermittency problem associated with renewable energy. Solar and wind power generation fluctuate depending on weather and time of day. Green hydrogen allows excess renewable electricity to be converted into hydrogen and stored for later use, effectively functioning as long-duration energy storage. This capability could become critical as Kenya’s future energy system becomes more digital, industrialized, and AI-driven.

In practical terms, green hydrogen could support:

• industrial manufacturing,
• fertilizer production,
• green steel and cement industries,
• heavy transport and logistics,
• shipping and aviation fuels,
• power generation backup,
• AI-powered data centres,
• and export-oriented industrial zones.

This makes hydrogen not just an energy source, but an industrial development platform capable of transforming Kenya into a regional clean-energy manufacturing and export hub.

The strategic advantage over nuclear energy becomes even clearer when considering economic inclusivity and infrastructure scalability. Nuclear projects are typically centralized, capital-intensive, and dependent on foreign technology ecosystems. Green hydrogen systems, however, can support decentralized industrial growth, localized energy ecosystems, and integration with existing renewable infrastructure. Hydrogen production facilities can be developed near geothermal fields, solar parks, ports, industrial parks, and SEZs, creating new regional economic corridors and employment opportunities.

Green hydrogen also positions Kenya advantageously within emerging global carbon markets and international green supply chains. As Europe, Asia, and other global markets increasingly shift toward low-carbon industrial imports, countries capable of producing green fuels and low-carbon industrial products will gain significant competitive advantages.

Kenya could potentially export:

• green hydrogen,
• green ammonia,
• green fertilizers,
• low-carbon manufactured goods,
• and renewable-powered industrial products.

This creates opportunities not only for energy security, but also for export growth, foreign direct investment, industrial competitiveness, and climate financing.

Importantly, green hydrogen aligns more naturally with Kenya’s broader climate commitments and sustainability ambitions. While nuclear energy is often described as low-carbon, it remains burdened by concerns around waste disposal, decommissioning costs, water consumption, accident risks, and long-term environmental stewardship. Green hydrogen offers a cleaner and more publicly acceptable pathway that strengthens rather than complicates Kenya’s renewable energy transition.

In the context of the AI revolution and rapidly expanding digital economies, Kenya’s future energy strategy must therefore move beyond the traditional debate of “renewables versus nuclear.” The more strategic question is how Kenya can build an integrated energy ecosystem capable of powering industrialization, AI infrastructure, advanced manufacturing, and economic growth sustainably.

Green hydrogen may provide precisely that bridge.

Rather than locking the country into expensive and rigid nuclear infrastructure, Kenya has the opportunity to become a continental leader in renewable-powered hydrogen economies built on its existing geothermal, solar, and wind strengths. If properly developed, green hydrogen could simultaneously address:

• future energy demand,
• industrial decarbonization,
• renewable energy storage,
• climate resilience,
• export competitiveness,
• and long-term energy sovereignty.

In that sense, green hydrogen is not merely an alternative energy source. For Kenya, it could become the foundation of an entirely new industrial and economic era — one capable of powering both the country’s development ambitions and its climate future without forcing a compromise between economic growth and environmental sustainability.

By Anderson Ojwang

The back-and-forth accusation between the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) and the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) over the delay in the administration of justice went a notch higher after EACC published its quarterly report.

In the EACC quarterly report shared on its social media platforms, it read: “Status of files submitted to DPP for January 1 to March 31, 2026.”

In the report, EACC submitted 35 files to ODPP, of which 30 files they recommended for prosecution, while three EACC recommended for closure, and two were recommended for administrative or other action.

In the chain, EACC is mandated to investigate and then send the files to the DPP, which in turn is expected to review the files and return them to EACC with actions to be taken.

During that quarter, after review of the 30 files that had been sent for prosecution, the DPP recommended only seven for prosecution.

Of the three files that had been sent to ODPP for closure, only one was approved by the DPP for closure, while of the two files which were recommended for administrative or other action, the DPP approved only one.

Interestingly, 15 of the 35 files were still awaiting ODPP’s advice; this accounts for 43 percent of the files that ODPP has failed to act on in the first quarter.

Last year in September, eighteen high-profile graft cases from 15 counties were withdrawn by the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) since 2013, despite the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) submitting what it insists were watertight investigation files.

The EACC claimed its lack of prosecutorial powers has severely undermined its ability to hold corrupt officials accountable and recover stolen public funds.

A long-standing turf war between the EACC and the ODPP resurfaced, as the latest report to the Senate County Public Accounts Committee (CPAC) reveals how completed graft investigations have repeatedly stalled at the prosecution stage.

“The major withdrawals happened between 2023 and 2024, with five and seven cases dropped respectively. So far in 2025, two cases have already been withdrawn,” said Ahmed Mahmoud, CEO of the EACC.

According to the EACC, the trend not only weakens public confidence in anti-corruption efforts but also wastes significant resources invested in investigations, especially when cases are dropped without proper consultation.

Senators have questioned the rationale behind the ODPP’s decisions, raising concerns about transparency and the lack of collaboration between the two key institutions.

“I’m looking at a situation where the ODPP is not just terminating a case but claims to have recovered the stolen funds. How does the ODPP manage to recover money without prosecuting?” asked Samson Cherargei, Nandi Senator.

“Even if the DPP has the legal authority, does he understand the resources spent on these investigations? How does he just withdraw a case without engaging the investigating agency?” posed Fatuma Dullo, Isiolo Senator.

In response, the EACC is urging lawmakers to consider amending the law to grant the commission prosecutorial powers, arguing that doing so would lead to more consistent and successful outcomes in court.

“It would be better if we were allowed to pursue civil recovery independently. As the CEO mentioned, our success rate in asset recovery through civil cases is impressive,” said David Oginde, Chairperson of the EACC.

“The ODPP can do what he wants with a criminal case, as long as the court agrees. But in many cases, if the prosecutor won’t prosecute, there’s little the court can do,” added Mahmoud.

By Anderson Ojwang

Most former University of Nairobi student leaders have never failed to rewrite their story despite whatever circumstances that have befallen them.

They have defied the odds to stand tall and have remained at the heart of Kenya’s socio-economic and political dispensation.

Between 1999 and 2000, some of the student union leaders at the University of Nairobi took the government to court over what they termed as the falling quality of education following the introduction of Module II in university education.

The lead applicants were George Omondi Okongo, then Secretary General of SONU, and Irungu Kangata, the Vice Chairman, among others.

Okongo is the current County Executive Committee member in charge of Finance at Kisumu County Government, while Kangata is the Murang’a Governor.

During that time, several university students were sent on suspension over strikes at the institutions, and the University of Nairobi was among them.

“People ask me, ‘George Omondi Okongo, when did you start politics?’ I started politics as a student leader at the University of Nairobi. In 1999, going into 2000, so many students were expelled from the university. I was one of them,” he said.

Okongo said the expelled students were asked to write an apology to the then Chancellor, who happened to be President Daniel Moi.

At the University of Nairobi, 63 students had been expelled and were asked to hand over a written apology to President Moi in order to be readmitted.

“We were all asked to apologize to the Chancellor. We were asked to apologize in writing to gain readmission. Sixty-one of our members wrote an apology to Chancellor Daniel Arap Moi. Two of us did not apologize, because we did not see our sin. That was me and Murang’a Governor, my friend Irungu Kangata,” he said.

Okongo said they did not see any mistake they had committed to apologize to the President in writing and decided against the offer.

“I was the Secretary General of the union and Kangata was the Vice Chair. We didn’t see the reason for apologizing. We were expelled for the struggle for education rights in Kenya. Everyone else was readmitted,” he said.

Okongo said the introduction of Module II was a welcome idea, but the government failed to address the quality of education, which they felt was being compromised by the open-door policies, even for restricted courses.

“That was the time the government introduced Module II. We were fighting for education rights in the country. The Module II programme was a good one; the problem was the government opened the door very widely to anybody, even to courses which were restricted. We felt the quality of education was being compromised. Our fight was about saying that there is nothing wrong with allowing more members of the public to access university education, but the quality must be maintained,” he said.

Okongo said they took the government to court and that he was the lead applicant while Irungu was helping him.

“We felt the quality of education at the university had gone down, and the government was not paying attention,” he said.

Okongo said the struggle cost them readmission, with Kangata going back to his rural village in Murang’a and becoming a councillor.

“Kangata went to the village and became a councillor. He was elected a councillor without a degree. He came back to complete his university degree programme later,” he said.

For Okongo, he crossed over to Tanzania, to the University of Dar es Salaam, where he gained admission in first year.

“I had done my first and second year at the University of Nairobi, but at the University of Dar, those two academic years accounted for Form 5 and 6 because in Kenya we didn’t have A levels. So I joined as a first-year student,” he said.

Okongo first worked in Tanzania with an organization before he returned to Kenya, and he has been the Finance CEC in Nyong’o’s administration for two terms.

Currently, Okongo is campaigning to unseat Seme MP Dr James Nyikal and has launched a high-profile campaign.

“I am optimistic that the people of Seme will grant me a chance to serve them as the Member of Parliament. I am committed to transforming the constituency,” he said.

Okongo has been engaged in various development programmes in the area, which are endearing him to the electorate.

Kangata is currently celebrated as one of the best-performing governors in the country and is credited for leading several development programmes in the county.

He recently declared that he would not defend his seat on President William Ruto’s party, the United Democratic Alliance, in the 2027 general elections.

“President Ruto has always told us that the people are supreme, and thank you for that statement. Therefore, my responsibility is to adhere to what the people have told me. And in light of that, and because I have tried my best to have these issues resolved internally, I have had a candid discussion with the President one on one, where we shared these ideas, but we did not reach what we call full convergence,” he said.

Kangata said he had conclusively decided to defend his seat on a different platform and not UDA.

“I have no doubt to say that after careful reflection, I wish to state that come 2027, I will not defend my seat on the current party ticket. I will later, at a certain stage, communicate the platform on which I will present myself to the electorate,” he said.

By Hope Barbra

When the County Government of Kisumu entered into an agreement with Kisumu Rotary Youth Training Centre to repair and service all its vehicles, it was a powerful statement of trust and confidence in the institution.

From a collapsing institution with a student population of 156 in 2022, the centre is currently bursting with a student population growth of 2,700, major infrastructural development, and partnership agreements.

Under the current leadership of Ms Gladys Akinyi Sadia, the institution is emerging as one of the most sought-after training institutions in Western Kenya.

Sadia says the institution recently entered into an agreement with the county government to repair its vehicles at the new garage at the facility.

“We have a modern garage at the facility and well-trained human resources, and the agreement by the county government is a sign of trust and confidence in us. This is a milestone for us, and we are committed to growing the institution,” she says.

Students

The decision was made to rebrand the institution and introduce courses which are youth-friendly and market-oriented.

That is why, from a student population of 156, the institution has witnessed a steady population surge and demand from both Nyanza and Western Kenya.

The institution offers training from Level 3 to Level 5, where Level 3 is the lowest level of entry into TVET for students who either dropped out in Class Six or sat KCPE.

Level 4 comprises artisans, while Level 5 comprises crafts. Previously, it was only Kisumu National Polytechnic, and now Kisumu Rotary Youth Training Centre offers the same for students who scored D+ and below in KCSE.

“We have witnessed an upsurge in student registration at Level 5 and other levels. We have competent human resources capable of handling all the levels,” she says.

Funding and courses

The County Government of Kisumu gives funds to deserving students, with 1,700 students accessing the county government scholarship.

Sadia says the county government has been able to sustain the institution’s operations through its funding, and this has ensured no disruption of learning.

The institution offers various courses and has departments in food and beverages, plumbing, motor vehicle, fashion and design, ICT, masonry, welding and fabrication, electrical installation, and agribusiness technology, among others.

Partnership

Sadia says through strategic partnerships with colleges and other institutions abroad, Kisumu Rotary has been able to access funding and support.

“Through the Kenya Blue Economy, the institution was able to partner with colleges and institutes in Canada to partner in skills training programmes,” she says.

Sadia says the institution has modern tools for food and beverage and has been declared the best training institution in the region.

“We have been able to travel to Canada – three of us – for capacity building on the current educational curriculum. This was a milestone to align with the new education curriculum,” she says.

The institution has also been able to partner with the office of the Women Representative, which also sponsors some of the students.

She says the Kenya Commercial Bank Foundation also supports and educates physically challenged students to gain technical training.

“Shotza is a community organization that has also been paying school fees for needy and vulnerable children, and this is how we have realized an increased student population,” she says.

She says another partner, Next Step Foundation based in Nairobi, is also equipping youth with physical disabilities to acquire skill-based knowledge in the county at the institution.

Graduation

This year, the institution graduated 2,000 students in an event presided over by Kisumu Governor Prof Anyang’ Nyong’o at the third joint Kisumu County Vocational Training Centres (VTC) Graduation Ceremony held today at the Rotary Vocational Training Centre.

“This is a proud and defining moment not only for them and their families, but for Kisumu County and everyone who has supported this course. Today, we celebrate 3,165 trainees from 28 Vocational Training Centres who have successfully completed training across eleven market-relevant disciplines. Their nationally recognized certifications are a testament to their skill gained, discipline attained, and readiness to face the future with confidence,” he said.

He said the achievement reflects the steadfast commitment of the County Government of Kisumu to vocational training as a cornerstone of opportunity, dignity, and inclusive economic growth.

“Through continued investment, including KSh 25 million for modern equipment and KSh 125.5 million to expand access and strengthen trainer capacity this financial year alone, we are building institutions that deliver excellence and sustainability. The future of Kisumu County will not be shaped in boardrooms alone. It will rise from workshops, flourish in garages, evolve in studios, grow on farms, and thrive in enterprises powered by skilled and enterprising young people like these. Even in a challenging job market like exists now, the training equips them to solve real-world problems and create their own opportunities,” he said.