Home Blog Page 20

LOOP Safari Gravel Series Returns to Naivasha in Quest for UCI Gravel World Championships Berths

0

BY PHILLIP ORWA

The second leg of the 2026 LOOP Safari Gravel Series is set to take place on Saturday, 13th June, at the iconic Hell’s Gate National Park in Naivasha.

Belgium’s Lukas Mzweski, who won last year’s event, is expected to defend his title. Mzweski last year delivered a commanding performance to win the elite men’s 120-kilometre race, clocking an impressive time of 3:45:03.

He was closely followed by Uganda’s Charles Kagimu (3:45:04) and Germany’s Lukas Baum (3:45:05).

In the women’s elite category, Canada’s Haley Smith clinched the title with a time of 4:32:10, as Rwanda’s Claudette Nyirahabimana followed in 4:38:48, while Germany’s Svenja Betz secured third place in 4:44:37.

After an action-packed season opener at the Limuru Country Club in March, which saw a record entry of 822 competitors, registration is now open for the Naivasha leg, with over 700 cyclists expected to contest the 20KM, 60KM and 111KM routes.

The Naivasha event also doubles as a UCI Gravel World Series Qualifier – one of the four 2026 UCI Gravel World Series qualifier events in Africa, with two in South Africa and the other in Namibia.

To qualify for the 2026 UCI Gravel World Championships set to be held in Nannup, Western Australia, in October, riders must finish the race and place within the top 25% of their category. Additionally, the top three finishers in each official category will automatically earn direct qualification.

Winners, both male and female, over the 111km distance will take home Sh20,000, with second, third, fourth, and fifth places earning Sh15,000, Sh10,000, Sh7,000, and Sh5,000 respectively.

In the team category, the winning team will receive Sh125,000, while second and third place teams will be awarded Sh100,000 and Sh70,000 respectively.

Troy Barrie, Coordinator of The Amani Project, further highlighted the significance of UCI accreditation for this leg of the series.

“We are incredibly excited about what the 2026 season represents, particularly with the UCI accreditation for Naivasha. UCI accreditation transforms this race from a regional showpiece into an internationally recognised competition. This validates the hard work we’ve put into course quality, safety and athlete support, and it creates real pathways for African riders to earn UCI points and be seen on the global stage. That exposure not only raises the standard of racing here, but it also brings investment, development opportunities, and inspiration for the next generation of cyclists in Kenya and across the continent,” Barrie said.

Eric Muriuki, CEO of LOOP Digital Financial Services, said: “The UCI accreditation for our Naivasha edition is good for Kenya’s growing prominence in the global cycling arena. We are providing our athletes with a pathway to international recognition, while at the same time showcasing the unparalleled beauty of our country to the world. We are incredibly proud to bring an event of this calibre to Naivasha, and we invite cyclists from all corners of the globe to experience this unique blend of competition and adventure.”

The route includes a variety of surfaces, with 62% on gravel, including red clay, single track, and game trails, and will start at Sulmac Village on the southern edge of Lake Naivasha. Riders will first complete a 21 km loop that includes an initial climb and returns to the start. This is followed by a 36 km stretch of gently ascending gravel roads before descending into the final 40 km. The most demanding segment is between kilometres 60 and 90, which runs primarily on paved roads through the eastern side of Hell’s Gate National Park.

The LOOP Safari Gravel Series is organized by the Amani Project, an initiative focused on developing and supporting athletic talent across the region, with support from LOOP DFS as the title sponsor.

Global politics around energy is quietly shifting and very few people are paying attention

0

By Dickens Ochieng

For the better part of the last decade, the global conversation has centred around just transition – moving away from fossil fuels toward cleaner energy systems. Wind and solar became the symbols of that future, not only because they were cleaner, but increasingly because they were becoming cheaper and more scalable.

Governments, investors, development finance institutions, and corporations aligned around the same message – that the future would be green.

But something significant is changing beneath the surface. The emergence of AI – and more specifically the global race to build AI data centres – is beginning to reshape energy politics in ways many people have not fully grasped yet.

If you listened carefully during recent discussions at the World Economic Forum, one comment stood out. The CEO of Blackstone, itself a major investor in renewable energy and transition infrastructure, acknowledged a growing reality: that wind and solar alone are not reliable enough to support the uninterrupted power demands required by hyperscale AI data centres.

That statement matters. Because when major capital allocators begin questioning the reliability of renewables for next-generation infrastructure, it signals more than a technical concern – it signals a geopolitical and economic shift.

AI data centres consume enormous amounts of electricity. Not ordinary levels of power, but continuous, industrial-scale, 24/7 energy loads. Countries and companies are now scrambling to secure stable baseload power sources capable of supporting this new digital arms race. Some are even exploring ocean-based cooling systems and alternative energy configurations to reduce pressure on national grids.

And this is where the contradiction begins to emerge. For years, coal plants were being retired, oil and gas investments discouraged, and fossil fuel financing increasingly restricted. Yet now, in the race for AI dominance, we may witness a quiet return to energy sources once politically unpopular – including natural gas, coal-fired power in some jurisdictions, and a renewed global embrace of nuclear energy framed as “clean” and reliable.

Energy transition may no longer be driven primarily by climate politics. It may increasingly be driven by compute power and AI competitiveness.

That changes everything. It changes how governments think about energy security. It changes how investors allocate capital. It changes which countries become strategically important. And it changes the future of global climate commitments.

For Africa, this moment raises critical questions.

Will African countries once again be told to limit fossil fuel development while major economies quietly expand theirs to power AI infrastructure?

Will Africa’s vast reserves of gas, critical minerals, land, and renewable potential become strategic assets in the new AI-energy economy?

Or will the continent once again remain a supplier of raw inputs while others capture the value?

There is also a deeper community question.

What happens to communities that were promised a green transition economy if global priorities suddenly shift toward energy abundance at all costs? What happens to climate financing commitments? What happens to environmental justice conversations when technological supremacy becomes the dominant political objective?

And perhaps the biggest question of all: can the planet realistically sustain an AI revolution powered by exponentially growing energy consumption while still meeting global climate targets?

The AI race is not only reshaping technology. It is quietly rewriting the future of global energy politics.

In Kenya, we have not been exempted from the AI data centres gold rush. There have been ambitions to host a Microsoft AI data centre in Kenya.

We are witnessing a sudden and aggressive surge in energy demand driven by the global AI and data-centre race. With an overly ambitious president, Kenya has renewed its plan to put up a nuclear power plant at breakneck speed. We see the speed even when it means bypassing the people, whose views are actually critical to the project.

But this raises a deeper and more uncomfortable question: is the country truly prepared for such a leap, or are we chasing an illusion of technological prestige without fully understanding the economic, environmental, and institutional burden that comes with it?

Artificial intelligence is rapidly transforming the global economy. Kenya, positioning itself as East Africa’s digital and innovation hub, understandably wants to be part of this future. The promise sounds attractive – more investment, more jobs, stronger infrastructure, and global relevance in the digital economy. Nuclear energy is therefore presented as a symbol of modernity and energy security – a way to provide stable, large-scale power beyond what hydro, geothermal, and solar currently offer.

However, the conversation cannot end at ambition alone. Nuclear power is not merely a technology project – it is a test of national readiness. It demands decades of regulatory discipline, highly specialized human capital, political stability, emergency preparedness systems, long-term waste management, and enormous financial commitment. Even some developed nations continue to struggle with the true cost and risks associated with nuclear energy.

Kenya must therefore confront difficult realities. Can the national grid efficiently absorb and distribute nuclear-generated power? Do we possess the institutional strength to manage safety standards free from corruption, political interference, or procurement scandals? Are citizens adequately informed about the environmental and health implications? Most importantly, are we investing in nuclear power because it is genuinely the best solution for Kenya’s future energy needs, or because the global AI boom has created pressure to appear technologically competitive?

There is also the danger of confusing visibility with progress. In many developing economies, mega-projects often become symbols of ambition while underlying structural challenges remain unresolved. Kenya still faces electricity access inequalities, high power costs for manufacturers, transmission losses, and unreliable supply in some regions. If these foundational problems persist, then a nuclear plant risks becoming an expensive monument to aspiration rather than a practical solution for ordinary citizens.

This does not mean Kenya should reject nuclear energy outright. On the contrary, the discussion is necessary and timely. But the country must approach it with realism rather than excitement driven by the AI gold rush. True technological advancement is not measured by how quickly a nation adopts grand projects, but by whether those projects are sustainable, inclusive, economically sound, and beneficial to future generations.

The real question, therefore, is not whether Kenya can build a nuclear power plant. The real question is whether Kenya is building the institutional, economic, and ethical foundation required to manage one responsibly in an age where the hunger for energy is accelerating faster than our readiness to supply it.

The writer is an advocate of the High Court.

Open Letter to Governor James Orengo

0

By Governor Gladys Wanga

RE: REFLECTION, DIGNITY, AND THE PLACE OF WOMEN IN OUR PUBLIC LIFE

Dear Governor Orengo (My Father),

I write this letter in my personal capacity, not as Governor of Homa Bay County, nor as Chairperson of the ODM Party, but simply as Gladys: daughter, mother, wife, and a woman who, like many others, continues to navigate leadership in spaces that often demand strength while offering little grace.

For many years, these spaces were occupied by men, and only courageous women dared to break through.

I have reflected deeply on the remarks you recently made concerning me. I chose silence at first, because I have always believed that not every disagreement demands public contest, and not every hurt should invite a public response.

Yet some moments require reflection, not because of the individuals involved, but because of what they represent.

I have always held you in immense respect. To many of us who entered public life after your generation, you have represented courage, conviction, and the possibility of principled leadership. Many young politicians look up to you for motivation and inspiration. You have been around for a long time, and I have personally regarded you with the esteem one reserves for an elder and, in many ways, with the affection and deference one would extend to a father figure.

Indeed, listening to your remarks and the manner in which they were received left me wondering how I would have felt hearing the same words from my own late father – whom I saw for only a few years – and from respected men of his generation like you, to whom I had looked for guidance and direction.

That is perhaps why they hurt.

Not because political criticism is unfamiliar to me, nor because public office exempts one from scrutiny, but because certain expressions carry weight beyond politics. They say politics is a dirty game, but I did not expect it to become dirtier through your utterances.

Words spoken by respected leaders shape culture, reinforce attitudes, and determine what society permits. When remarks directed at a woman carry undertones that diminish, ridicule, or reduce her because of her gender, age, or place in public life, they travel far beyond their immediate target.

They become an echo familiar to millions of women and girls who have endured various forms of gender-based violence, exclusion, intimidation, and dismissal in workplaces, homes, and public spaces. They run through the vertebrae like lightning striking a tree.

Many women are told to speak more softly, lead smaller, occupy less space, or defer – not because they are wrong, but because they are women. Many endure insults that men in equivalent positions would never face. It is this reality that made your remarks painful – not merely as an affront to me, but because they inadvertently validated a burden many women continue to carry quietly.

I do not write this to seek an apology through public pressure, nor to invite sympathy for myself. I write in the hope that moments such as these can remind us all – especially those of us privileged to be in leadership, and particularly in spaces where, traditionally, women were only supposed to be seen and not heard – that strength and dignity are never diminished by kindness, and that authority need not come at the expense of another’s humanity.

Governor, despite the distress and untold discomfort this episode has caused me and those close to me, I do not wish to engage you in prolonged exchanges over this matter. I consider you my senior, a respected elder, and someone whose contributions to public life deserve honour and respect. I therefore choose forgiveness.

I was humbled just as I was humiliated. More importantly, I choose to leave the door open for engagement, dialogue, and collaboration on matters that uplift our people and propel our community forward. After all, God gave us the responsibility to make our community better and more respectable.

Our region deserves leadership that inspires hope, not needless turf wars with a girl the age of your daughter.

If my resolve to stand with Sen. (Dr.) Oburu Oginga as the Party Leader of our great party after the passing of our beloved leader, H.E. Raila Odinga (may he continue resting in peace), means I must endure more of these embarrassing insults and unnecessary tirades, so be it. Dr. Oburu was elected by thousands of party delegates in broad daylight.

Governor, may this moment become not a point of division, but an opportunity for reflection, healing, and a renewed commitment to building a public culture where women and men can disagree vigorously yet preserve each other’s dignity.

In the words of the young Pakistani female education activist Malala Yousafzai, “We realize the importance of our voices only when we are silenced.” Please, do not silence our voices through humiliation.

Simple Trading Rules to Help Navigate the Stock Market

0

By Billy Mijungu

There is a silent but significant shift happening within the financial investment environment. For decades, many investors preferred government securities because they were considered safe, predictable, and protected from the volatility associated with the stock market. Treasury bills and bonds became the comfort zone for many institutions and individual investors seeking guaranteed returns without the emotional pressure of market fluctuations. However, the investment climate is changing rapidly. The continuous outpouring of unabsorbed yet ring-fenced public funds has slowly redirected liquidity into the stock market, attracting investors searching for better returns, long-term capital growth, and sustainable wealth creation.

Today, more people are entering the stock market than ever before, but many are entering without emotional discipline or strategic direction. The stock market is not merely a place of numbers, charts, and speculation. It is a psychological battlefield where fear and greed determine the fate of investors more than intelligence alone. Many investors buy shares when prices are already rising sharply because excitement and public optimism dominate conversations. Unfortunately, when prices begin falling, panic quickly replaces confidence, forcing many to sell at losses and abandon their investments prematurely. Successful investing requires the opposite mindset. It demands calmness during decline and caution during rapid growth.

An investor must therefore develop simple internal rules that guide decision-making regardless of emotions. When a stock price falls slightly, patience becomes more important than panic. Small declines should not immediately trigger fear because markets naturally fluctuate. A disciplined investor understands that temporary declines are normal and often chooses to continue holding quality investments during such moments. When prices fall further and reach deeper corrections, this should not automatically be interpreted as disaster. Instead, gradual buying during weakness allows investors to accumulate valuable assets at discounted prices while reducing the emotional pressure associated with timing the market perfectly.

Similarly, when the market begins rising, discipline remains equally important. Small gains should not create unnecessary excitement because long-term wealth is not built from impatience. Investors who constantly rush to sell after every small increase often lose the opportunity to benefit from stronger long-term appreciation. However, when profits become substantial, gradual profit-taking becomes wise. Selling portions of holdings during major rallies protects gains while still allowing continued participation in future growth. This creates balance between optimism and caution.

The strongest investors are not those who predict markets perfectly. They are those who master emotional control. Markets move in cycles, and no stock rises forever. Likewise, no downturn lasts forever. Economic uncertainty, political tension, currency pressure, and temporary market corrections are all natural parts of investing. The investor who survives these cycles is usually the one who remains disciplined when others become emotional.

Many people confuse investing with gambling. Real investing is not driven by rumors, social media excitement, political propaganda, or fear of missing opportunities. Real investing is based on patience, consistency, and understanding that wealth creation is gradual. Short-term speculation may create excitement, but long-term investing creates stability. The greatest fortunes across global financial history were not created overnight. They were built slowly through disciplined accumulation and long-term holding of productive assets.

Time itself becomes one of the most powerful investment tools. A patient investor allows businesses to grow, dividends to compound, and market recoveries to strengthen portfolio value over years rather than days. This is why emotional stability matters as much as financial capital. Investors who panic during every downturn rarely experience the full benefits of market recovery. Those who remain calm during difficult periods often emerge stronger when conditions improve.

Financial literacy is therefore becoming increasingly important in modern society. Young people especially must begin understanding shares, dividends, capital appreciation, and compound growth because the future economy will reward ownership more than consumption. The stock market should not simply be viewed as a place to make quick profits. It should be seen as a platform where ordinary citizens participate in economic growth, innovation, and wealth creation.

Discipline plus patience remains the foundation of successful investing. The investor who learns to remain rational during market declines and cautious during rapid growth will always stand a stronger chance of achieving stable long-term success. Wealth is rarely created through emotional reactions. It is created through consistent decisions made over long periods of time.

Investments must always remain long-term.

When Politics Burns Humanity: A Nation Must Pause Before 2027

0

By Edris Omondi (Advocate)

edris@crimepreven

 Edris Omondi is a lawyer and a crime prevention practitioner and the Executive Director of the Crime Prevention Initiative Trust (CPIT), Kisumu. He works on behavioral approaches to crime prevention, governance, and social policy.

When Politics Burns Humanity: A Nation Must Pause Before 2027

History is full of painful reminders of what happens when politics stops being about ideas and begins defining who deserves dignity, safety, or even life itself. In the early 1990s, the genocide in Rwanda did not begin with machetes. It began with words, labels, hatred, political division, and the dangerous normalization of seeing fellow citizens as enemies instead of neighbors.

Closer home, Kenya’s own 2007–2008 post-election violence remains one of the darkest chapters in our national memory. Communities that had lived together for generations suddenly turned against each other. Churches became places of fear. Homes were torched. Thousands were displaced. Over a thousand lives were lost.

Many Kenyans swore then: Never again.

Yet today, as the country slowly inches toward the 2027 elections, worrying signs of political intolerance are re-emerging. Social media hostility is growing sharper. Public discourse is becoming more toxic. Political identity is increasingly being treated like tribal identity; something to fight over, defend aggressively, and sometimes punish.

The recent incident involving gospel singer Rachael Wandeto should disturb the conscience of the nation. Reports indicate that she allegedly became a victim of arson, possibly because she bore a tattoo associated with President William Ruto. Whether one supports or opposes the President is beside the point. No political disagreement should ever justify violence, intimidation, destruction of property, or threats to life.

And that is where Kenya must draw a firm line.

A tattoo is not a death sentence. Political support is not a crime. Opposition is not treason. Democracy demands that citizens be free to express themselves without fear of mob justice or politically charged retaliation.

Sadly, there are already voices saying, “She deserved it.” Those statements are perhaps even more dangerous than the act itself. They reveal how deeply hatred has penetrated public thinking. Once society begins rationalizing violence against people because of their political beliefs, it starts walking a very dangerous road. Today it is a tattoo. Tomorrow it may be a T-shirt, a social media post, a tribe, a surname, or simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

Political intolerance rarely arrives dramatically. It grows slowly; through jokes that normalize hatred, leaders who inflame emotions irresponsibly, online propaganda, selective outrage, and silence from good people.

Yes, silence from good people.

Kenya cannot afford to sleepwalk into another season of politically instigated violence.

The bitter truth is that ordinary citizens suffer together regardless of political affiliation.

When fuel prices rise, every Kenyan feels the pressure. When floods destroy homes, victims come from every political side. When unemployment rises, hunger does not ask who voted for who! National disasters do not discriminate between government supporters and opposition loyalists.

Lest we forget, we are one people-KENYA- before we are political camps.

Institutions tasked with protecting national unity therefore deserve stronger support. The National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC) must be adequately funded and empowered to intensify civic education, peace campaigns, community dialogue, and early warning interventions ahead of 2027. Their work should not only emerge during crises or election periods. Cohesion must become a continuous national culture.

Religious leaders, musicians, civil society organizations, schools, and the media also carry a responsibility. In that responsibility they also need adequate support to broadcast national cohesion. Political disagreement should be taught as normal in a democracy, not as grounds for hostility. Young people especially must be protected from manipulation by leaders who weaponize anger for political gain.

Kenya was once proudly described as a God-fearing nation. That identity is tested not by how loudly we pray, but by how humanely we treat one another when we disagree. A society that burns homes because of politics cannot claim moral victory over those it condemns.

The approach to the 2027 elections must therefore become a season of maturity, not madness. Leaders across the political divide must speak responsibly, and any irresponsible utterances should be penalized. Supporters must reject provocation. Citizens must learn to separate political competition from personal hatred.

The lesson from 2007 is clear: it is far easier to ignite division than to heal it afterward.

No election is worth the blood of a Kenyan. No politician is worth destroying a neighbor over political indifference. No political symbol should ever become justification for violence.

Kenya must choose humanity before politics.

Because once hatred becomes normal, everybody eventually loses.

CALL FOR UNITY AND RESPECTFUL LEADERSHIP IN LUO NYANZA

0

By Hon.Sammy Weya

It is becoming increasingly disturbing to witness the reckless and divisive political rhetoric being promoted by some leaders within Luo Nyanza at a time when unity, sobriety, and mature leadership are most needed.

Governors Gladys Wanga and Ochilo Ayacko must remember that their political rise and electoral success were significantly anchored on the support, influence, and leadership of the late Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga and the ODM movement. It is therefore unfortunate that instead of providing calm and unifying leadership during this delicate transition period, they are increasingly engaging in careless political attacks and disrespectful commentary directed at fellow senior leaders from the region.

The manner in which some of these statements have been made against respected leaders such as Prof. Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o and Governor James Orengo lacks decorum, maturity, and political wisdom. These are nationally respected leaders who have served this country with distinction over many decades. Whether one agrees with them or not, they deserve respect because of their contribution to Kenya’s democratic struggle, governance, and public service.

What is even more disappointing is the growing perception that certain leaders are becoming overly excited by proximity to the current administration and possible political promises from the UDA government. This excitement should not blind them into undermining fellow ODM leaders or creating unnecessary divisions among our people.

At a moment when ODM supporters across the country are still trying to regain political direction and emotional stability following the loss of Raila Odinga’s active leadership presence, the last thing Luo Nyanza needs is internal hostility, chest-thumping, and public insults among leaders. Such behavior only weakens the unity that ODM has carefully built over many years.

Prof. Nyong’o and Governor Orengo have remained measured, restrained, and professional despite repeated provocations. Their conduct demonstrates political maturity and experience. Younger leaders should learn from that example instead of engaging in unnecessary political theatrics that risk damaging the cohesion of the region.

As a people, we have always been strongest when united under shared ideals of justice, equality, and collective progress as championed by ODM and Raila Odinga. Personal ambitions, political excitement, and short-term alignments should never come before the unity and dignity of our community.

If this careless politics continues unchecked, the consequences could be severe. We risk entering the next electoral dispensation divided, weakened, and directionless. History has shown that divided movements rarely succeed.

This is therefore a call for restraint, humility, mutual respect, and unity among all ODM leaders and supporters. The people expect leadership, not division. They expect wisdom, not recklessness. And above all, they expect leaders who can rise above personal interests for the greater good of the community and the nation.

Former M.P. Alego Usonga

Mbadi ignites storm over ODM ownership in fierce battle with Ruth Odinga in the post-Raila transition politics

0

By Anderson Ojwang’

A storm over the ‘ownership’ of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) is turning out to be the main debate in the country’s political landscape after the death of the founder, Raila Amolo Odinga.

The debate over the ownership of ODM is gaining momentum, with Cabinet Secretary for Treasury and Economic Planning declaring that the party does not belong to a particular family or community.

Similarly, Mbadi stated that the discussion on the party’s progress should not be tailored to what Raila said because he was no longer there to confirm or deny the attributes.

This is against the previous notion and belief that ODM was a ‘property’ of the Odinga family under the grip control of Raila.

“This is a national party. ODM does not belong to the Luo community. It does not belong to Siaya where the governor (James Orengo) is trying to fight with the senator, Dr Oburu Oginga. It does not belong to a family,” he said.

But Kisumu Women Representative, Ms Ruth Odinga, has accused Mbadi of being ungrateful and disrespectful to the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga family.

Ms Odinga claimed it was unfortunate for Mbadi to have made unsavory remarks about the family and that she will not allow the Cabinet Secretary to undermine the family.

“I was surprised that when Mbadi rose to speak, he chose to attack me, as an Odinga. He said ODM Party does not belong to the Odingas. That it is not a family property and therefore nobody should feel entitled because they carry the Odinga name,” she wrote.

“Mbadi now thinks that because my brother Raila Amolo Odinga is dead, he can now trample on our family. I am prepared and ready to face off with Mbadi,” she said in a telephone interview.

Transition

Mbadi said it was important for the party leadership and members to manage the post-Raila transition and to steer the party to greater heights.

Mbadi also took a swipe at Ruth Odinga, saying she cannot bully anyone in the party just because she is the sister of the party leader.

“We have a party where one thinks she is a sister of a party leader, she can order us around. You cannot. I know Baba has been a very solid leader. We must manage the transition,” he said.

Mbadi said Raila was no more and that members must chart the way forward without having to rely on what Raila said or did not say.

“Baba is no more. This is the post-Raila era. We must be candid and forthright and chart the way forward. You cannot keep telling us ‘Baba said this’ and ‘Baba did not say this.’ Where is that Baba now to give us evidence whether he said this or he did not say? He is not there anymore,” he said.

Ruth said Mbadi was a beneficiary of the Odingas’ struggle and has no locus standi to disrespect and disregard the family.

“Mbadi stated further that Raila Odinga was already dead and buried, and even if he was to be alive, he wouldn’t do much because he (Mbadi) and others have heavily invested in the ODM Party. I say this was a personal attack because I looked around and I was the only Odinga in the room. My brother, the Party Leader Dr Oburu Oginga, did not attend the three-day retreat,” she said.

She said Mbadi was a creation of the Odinga family and his statements were unfortunate and unpalatable.

“Who is Mbadi without the Odingas? We babied him, from MP to party chairman and now Cabinet Secretary. He should tread carefully. Mbadi must know and respect how he got to the top,” she said.

The Kisumu Women Rep said Mbadi has never been in the struggle and must respect the sacrifice the Odingas made for the country and the ODM party.

Respect

Mbadi demanded respect from Ruth Odinga for the ODM leadership and said she must stop fence-sitting over allegiance to either Linda Ground or Linda Mwananchi.

“It’s six months. He is not there anymore. Baba did a lot for us. If you are Baba’s sister, please respect us. If it was not for us, Baba would not be the person he was until his death. It is your brother who is the party leader. Gladys Wanga is the national chairman, and Simba Arati and Abdulsamad Nassir are the deputy party leaders. Hi maneno ya kumbelezana itaharibu hii chama. I am speaking to you with love. Without this party, we are weakened. It is difficult for a weaker party to win. I spoke with love. I am here. I am ready for any assignment you give me. I am the mtu wa mkono. We are the people supporting ODM,” he said.

She expressed concern over Mbadi’s move to demonize the Odinga family while for decades he relied on Raila for his election.

“But I was worried that if someone like John Mbadi can choose to demonize the Odinga name and what Odingas stood for and still do, what would anyone else think of us? I, as an Odinga by biology and also ideological Odinga, believing in what Jaramogi and Raila stood for, cannot sit pretty and allow this to pass without setting the records straight. It is evidently clear that there are some elements within the ODM Party who think that some of us ‘entitled people’ have been clinging to the Odinga name for political survival,” she said.

The battle between Mbadi and Ruth is just the tip of the iceberg of the wider battle in the party, and it is only a matter of time before the party finally witnesses a major breakaway within the Linda Ground faction.

Parallels between Barack Obama against Hillary Clinton and the emerging contest between Edwin Sifuna and Kalonzo Musyoka for United Opposition Ticket

0

By Al Musasia

The parallels between the rise of Barack Obama against Hillary Clinton and the emerging contest between Edwin Sifuna and Kalonzo Musyoka are politically significant, not because the contexts are identical, but because they expose the eternal struggle between establishment politics and popular political momentum.

In 2008, Hillary Clinton entered the Democratic primaries as the inevitable candidate. She had the name recognition, institutional backing, the donor networks, the political machinery, and the experience narrative. Much of the Democratic establishment viewed Barack Obama as charismatic but premature – talented, but “not yet ready.” Clinton allies repeatedly framed Obama as inexperienced and risky. Her famous “3 a.m. phone call” advertisement attempted to elevate experience above inspiration, portraying Obama’s youth and relative newness as liabilities in moments of crisis.

Yet politics is not only about résumés. It is about emotional connection, momentum, timing, and the ability to expand the electorate.

Obama’s candidacy created something rare in democratic politics: political excitement beyond traditional party structures. He energized first-time voters, young voters, independents, minorities, and disillusioned Americans who had previously checked out of politics. His appeal was not confined to one geographic region or demographic bloc. He became larger than the Democratic establishment itself.

That is precisely where the comparison with Edwin Sifuna begins to emerge.

Like Obama in 2008, Sifuna represents generational energy rather than institutional entitlement. His rise is not rooted in old political structures or succession agreements negotiated in boardrooms. It is rooted in public enthusiasm, communication ability, intellectual sharpness, and emotional resonance with younger voters – especially Gen Z and urban voters increasingly frustrated with traditional opposition politics.

Kalonzo Musyoka, much like Hillary Clinton at the time, represents experience, institutional memory, and establishment continuity. His supporters argue that his years in government, diplomatic exposure, and seniority make him the natural candidate to challenge William Ruto. The argument mirrors precisely what was said about Hillary Clinton: that leadership should flow through experience, age, and familiarity.

But the Obama-Clinton contest demonstrated a hard political truth: experience alone cannot manufacture enthusiasm.

The Democratic Party eventually realized that while Hillary Clinton had institutional strength, Obama had electoral momentum. There is a difference between a candidate people respect and a candidate people are inspired to vote for. Elections are not won merely through elite consensus; they are won through emotional mobilization.

This is the danger now facing the Kenyan opposition.

If the opposition mistakes elite negotiations for public excitement, it risks creating the same disconnect that many political establishments around the world have suffered in recent years. The assumption that Sifuna’s energy can simply be transferred to another candidate, particularly as a running mate, misunderstands the nature of political enthusiasm.

Obama’s popularity was never transferable to another Democratic candidate. It was personal, emotional, and symbolic. The same principle may apply to Sifuna.

Many of the young Kenyans excited by Sifuna are not merely supporting him because he belongs to the opposition coalition. They are responding to what he symbolizes: generational change, intellectual aggression against the status quo, confidence, urban political sophistication, and a break from recycled political arrangements.

That support cannot automatically be inherited by Kalonzo Musyoka through a coalition agreement.

In fact, one of the greatest political miscalculations parties make is assuming that enthusiastic voters are loyal to party structures rather than to the candidate inspiring them. Obama understood this. His campaign built a movement, not just a candidacy. The Democratic establishment eventually adapted to that reality instead of resisting it to the point of fracture.

The Kenyan opposition now faces a similar crossroads.

Kalonzo may bring experience and regional loyalty, particularly in Ukambani, but Sifuna appears to be building something broader: cross-regional urban appeal, youth enthusiasm, digital-era communication strength, and national political conversation dominance. In modern elections, enthusiasm matters because enthusiastic voters volunteer, campaign online, mobilize peers, donate small amounts, and most importantly, turn out to vote.

A politically respected candidate without voter excitement can struggle against an incumbent with a disciplined political machine.

This is where the Obama parallel becomes most important. The Democratic Party avoided a catastrophic split because Hillary Clinton eventually recognized the political reality: Obama had become the stronger electoral vehicle against the Republicans. The establishment adjusted to voter momentum instead of suppressing it.

The Kenyan opposition may face the same strategic decision.

If it imposes a “boardroom candidate” against visible public momentum, it risks creating voter apathy among young and undecided voters. And apathy is often more dangerous to opposition movements than outright opposition support for the incumbent. A disengaged youth electorate could unintentionally hand Ruto another term.

The central political question, therefore, is not simply who is more experienced.

It is: who can expand the electorate? Who can energize first-time voters? Who can dominate national political conversation? Who can inspire volunteers and get organic support? Who can transform opposition politics from protest into movement politics? That is the lesson of Obama versus Clinton.

The Democratic Party eventually recognized that excitement is not a cosmetic political advantage – it is electoral currency. Momentum matters. Inspiration matters. Political chemistry matters.

And history repeatedly shows that when political establishments ignore genuine public momentum, they often pay a heavy electoral price.

World Bank, Let’s Talk?

0

By Billy Mijungu

It is welcome news that the Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority (EPRA) has moved to end the monopoly of KPLC and others. The World Bank doesn’t like it.

Ironically, the very countries represented by the World Bank practise free market competition in their energy sectors. Competition in those economies has produced efficiency, innovation and excellence. Yet it is not good for Kenya.

The World Bank appears uncomfortable with alternatives to generate affordable electricity for the people. In places like Kenya, where development opportunities remain largely untapped, such positions can easily be interpreted as attempts to discourage local enterprise and maintain dependency instead of empowering communities.

Kenya has now cleared the path for independent power producers to directly sell electricity to large consumers, including industries, factories and commercial enterprises. Many industries left Kenya because of the high cost of electricity. Lower power costs will attract investment, create jobs and increase tax revenues that support development.

The State has published the Energy (Electricity Market, Bulk Supply and Access) Regulations, 2026, allowing producers without existing Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) with Kenya Power to directly compete for large consumers. For the first time, businesses will be able to choose suppliers based on affordability, reliability and efficiency rather than being subjected to a single system without alternatives.

Power producers will still use the transmission infrastructure of KETRACO and Kenya Power through wheeling charges, meaning the existing utilities will continue earning revenue. However, EPRA must also allow alternative transmission mechanisms beyond State-owned systems if genuine market competition is to succeed.

The World Bank argues that competition could trigger higher electricity prices. That argument is difficult to understand because competition, in properly regulated markets, generally lowers prices, improves service delivery and forces efficiency.

For years, large consumers have paid disproportionately higher tariffs, effectively subsidising the broader electricity system while making Kenyan industries less competitive regionally and internationally. That model has hindered industrial growth and reduced Kenya’s manufacturing competitiveness.

Kenya Power recorded Ksh 219.26 billion in electricity revenue in 2025, figures expected to change once competition takes effect.

Kenya ignoring advice that would preserve inefficiency and high electricity costs deserves commendation. Affordable electricity should never be viewed as a threat. It is the foundation of industrialisation, employment creation, investment growth and economic freedom.

“Follow on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok and LinkedIn @BillyMijungu”
“#Forward #TusongeMbele #Change”

Why COP 30 Matters for COP 31

0

By Simon Okola

COP 30 may have closed in Belém, Brazil, but its real test will be in Antalya, Türkiye, where COP 31 will take place from 9 to 20 November 2026. The question for Kenya is not whether we attended another global climate conference. The sharper question is this: will Kenya arrive at COP 31 with bankable restoration portfolios, credible performance data, and climate finance-ready institutions, or will we arrive with another folder of aspirations? COP 30 took place in Belém from 10 to 21 November 2025, while COP 31 is officially scheduled for Antalya in November 2026.

For Kenya, COP 30 matters because it quietly clarified the rules of the next climate finance race. It was not only about speeches, pledges, and diplomatic theatre. It was about predictability of finance, direct access, adaptation funding, loss and damage, transparency, national systems, and the uncomfortable truth that countries without credible pipelines will struggle to attract serious climate money.

The COP 30 draft text on Article 9.5 of the Paris Agreement places strong emphasis on the predictability and clarity of financial support. It reiterates that developed countries are expected to communicate indicative quantitative and qualitative information, including projected public financial resources for developing countries. This is a major signal. The global system is moving from vague promises to forward-looking finance information. Kenya must respond by moving from project wish-lists to performance-backed investment pipelines.

The same draft text also points to issues that should matter deeply to Kenya: making finance flows consistent with low-emission and climate-resilient development, mobilizing private finance through blended finance and enabling regulatory frameworks, addressing the needs of developing countries, strengthening absorptive capacity, and learning from previous climate finance delivery failures. In plain language, COP 30 tells us that climate finance will increasingly follow countries that can prove readiness, not countries that merely prove vulnerability.

This is where Kenya’s opportunity lies.

Kenya has already placed itself in the climate leadership conversation. Its second Nationally Determined Contribution estimates that USD 56 billion will be required for mitigation and adaptation actions between 2031 and 2035. Of that amount, Kenya expects about 19 percent to be mobilized domestically, while about 81 percent, approximately USD 45.36 billion, will require international support. That figure should shake us awake. It is not a slogan. It is an invoice. And the world will not pay that invoice simply because Kenya has climate needs. The world will respond when Kenya has credible data, strong institutions, transparent tracking, investable projects, and a clear line between finance received and climate outcomes delivered.

This is why I argue that Kenya now needs a Restoration Performance Intelligence and Climate Finance Readiness Framework for nature-based solutions.

Nature-based solutions are no longer soft environmental language. They are becoming part of the hard architecture of climate finance. Kenya has launched a 10-year strategy to restore 10.6 million hectares of degraded land, aiming to increase tree cover from 12.13 percent to 30 percent by 2032, with community involvement as a central pillar. Kenya has also committed under AFR100 to restore 5.1 million hectares by 2030. These are powerful commitments, but commitments alone do not unlock finance. Performance does.

Restoration performance intelligence means Kenya must know, with evidence, what is being restored, where it is being restored, who is benefiting, what carbon and biodiversity outcomes are being generated, what water and soil benefits are emerging, and whether communities are genuinely better off. It means restoration must be monitored through credible MRV systems, satellite data, county-level reporting, community verification, safeguards, and finance-linked indicators. A tree planted for a camera is publicity. A restored landscape with measurable survival rates, livelihood gains, carbon integrity, and biodiversity value is an asset.

COP 30 also matters because of the Green Climate Fund. The COP 30 draft guidance notes that the GCF had approved USD 19.3 billion for 336 adaptation and mitigation projects across 134 developing countries. It also notes 158 accredited entities, including 106 direct access entities, and 144 readiness grants for national adaptation plans and adaptation planning processes. These numbers tell Kenya something important: access is possible, but access is competitive. The draft guidance also urges the GCF Board to simplify access modalities, reduce procedural burdens, improve timely delivery, and strengthen direct access, including support for direct access entities and non-governmental access.

Kenya should read that as a practical instruction. By COP 31, our national and county institutions, universities, conservation agencies, community-based institutions, and private-sector actors should not only be asking for climate finance. They should be prepared to receive, manage, report, and defend it. That means fiduciary systems, procurement systems, safeguards, gender and inclusion frameworks, grievance mechanisms, carbon accounting, restoration baselines, benefit-sharing rules, and project preparation facilities. Without these, climate finance remains a door we admire from outside.

The Fund for responding to Loss and Damage is another reason COP 30 matters. The draft text welcomes the operationalization of the Fund through the Barbados Implementation Modalities, which provide grant-based interventions for 2025 and 2026 using bottom-up, country-led, country-owned approaches to strengthen national responses to loss and damage. Even more importantly, the text notes that national governments of all developing countries may submit funding requests through direct access via direct budget support, subject to modalities to be decided by the Board.

For Kenya, this is not abstract. Droughts, floods, crop failure, livestock losses, coastal risks, water stress, and displacement are not climate projections. They are lived realities. If Kenya wants to benefit from loss and damage finance, we need more than disaster stories. We need loss and damage data systems. We need county-level damage assessment protocols. We need valuation tools for non-economic losses. We need local evidence on how climate shocks affect livelihoods, ecosystems, health, education, and cultural assets. The future of loss and damage finance will reward countries that can translate suffering into credible claims without reducing people’s pain to paperwork.

The Global Environment Facility draft guidance also carries a clear message. It welcomes efforts to simplify processes, strengthen collaboration with the GCF, Adaptation Fund and Climate Investment Funds, and improve timely access to resources. It emphasizes flexible and adaptable procedures for developing countries, continuity of national technical teams, country-driven programming, and stronger local capacity through national and regional institutions. For Kenya, this aligns directly with the need to build a permanent restoration intelligence architecture instead of temporary project units that disappear when donor funding ends.

Kenya has also taken a major step by launching the National Carbon Registry. NEMA says it is Kenya’s Designated National Authority for carbon markets and is hosting and administering the registry. The registry is expected to strengthen oversight, registration, measurable climate benefits, accountability, and protection against double counting. This is critical. Carbon markets without integrity are a fast road to scandal. Carbon markets with strong performance intelligence can become a serious climate finance channel for restoration, clean energy, agriculture, wetlands, rangelands, blue carbon, and community conservation.

But let us be honest. Kenya’s biggest risk is not lack of ambition. Kenya’s biggest risk is fragmented readiness. One ministry speaks finance. Another speaks forests. Counties speak local priorities. Communities speak survival. Investors speak risk. Donors speak safeguards. Carbon buyers speak verification. Scientists speak data. Unless these languages are translated into one coherent national readiness system, Kenya will keep losing time in the corridor between promise and payment.

That is why COP 30 matters for COP 31. It gives Kenya one year to prepare.

By COP 31, Kenya should have a national portfolio of climate finance-ready nature-based solutions. Not scattered proposals. A real portfolio. It should include county-level restoration pipelines, GCF-ready adaptation proposals, GEF-aligned biodiversity and land degradation programmes, loss and damage response packages, carbon market-eligible projects, and community-owned restoration models with transparent benefit sharing. Each project should show the problem, geography, cost, finance instrument, implementing entity, safeguards, expected climate impact, livelihood impact, biodiversity gain, gender and youth inclusion, MRV method, and repayment or grant justification.

The COP 30 Article 9.5 text asks future climate finance communications to improve information on access, projected finance, implementation needs, balance between mitigation and adaptation, geographical coverage, inclusion of vulnerable communities, methodologies, assumptions, and how finance responds to developing country priorities. Kenya should mirror this same logic in its own climate finance readiness work. If funders are being pushed to be clearer, Kenya must also be clearer about what it needs, where it needs it, how it will use it, and how results will be measured.

The politics of climate finance is shifting from sympathy to credibility. Countries that combine vulnerability with readiness will move faster. Countries that combine restoration ambition with performance intelligence will attract better finance. Countries that can show data, safeguards, local ownership, and investable pipelines will shape COP 31 outcomes instead of waiting for them.

Kenya has the landscapes. Kenya has the policy ambition. Kenya has counties on the frontline. Kenya has communities who understand land, water, livestock, forests, and survival better than any consultant flown in for a workshop. What Kenya must now build is the intelligence layer: the system that proves restoration is real, finance is traceable, carbon is credible, benefits are fair, and climate resilience is measurable.

COP 30 matters because it has shown the direction of travel. COP 31 will reward those who arrive prepared.

For Kenya, the message is simple: Antalya should not find us clapping for other countries’ finance breakthroughs. It should find us ready, organized, data-rich, locally grounded, and bold enough to say: here is our restoration portfolio, here is the evidence, here are the communities, here are the safeguards, here is the finance gap, and here is the return for people, nature, and climate.

Climate finance is no longer waiting for good intentions. It is looking for readiness. Kenya must meet it there.

About the Author

Simon Okola is an educator, project finance expert, UNFCCC negotiator and the Founder of Agenda Beyond Borders (ABB), a Kenyan-based policy and advisory organization focused on climate action, community development, and sustainable financing solutions.

Contact Agenda Beyond Borders:
Email: agendabeyondborders@gmail.com
Website: www.agendabeyondborders.org