By Anderson Ojwang

In Kiambu County, former President Uhuru Kenyatta touched on the thorny matter of the political narratives of hustler and dynasty in the 2022 presidential contest between Kenya Kwanza presidential candidate, William Ruto, and Azimio la Umoja candidate, the late Raila Amolo Odinga.

He was speaking in Kiambu of the Mt Kenya region, which was swayed by the political narratives of the hustler nation against the dynasties, and overwhelmingly voted for Ruto against Uhuru’s preferred candidate, Raila.

Currently, Mt Kenya, the political bedroom of UDA, is rebelling and has been witnessing political riots in the recent past, while Nyanza, once perceived as a hostile and violent region, has maintained unusual calm.

“What has the narrative of hustlers and dynasties brought to you? What will it bring to you? Now wait to be told another politics of the tribe. What will it bring to you apart from problems? Do not agree and accept, but remain focused and look ahead for change that will improve your well-being,” he said.

President Ruto ran on the narrative of a hustler nation against the Raila-Uhuru team, which they described as political dynasties that must be sent home and away from the country’s leadership.

In this context, hustlers refer to those – especially young people – who struggle to make ends meet in an economy that is said to be no longer working for them.

The word dynasties, on the other hand, is a moniker to describe wealthy families that are seen to have dominated politics – and the economy – since independence from the UK in the 1960s.

Uhuru accused those in the government of plotting to use the narrative of tribe to win votes and warned that they were setting a wrong precedent.

“How many tribes live in Kiambu? You have accommodated them, and they live here. Some you have even elected as MCAs because of their leadership qualities and not tribe. Let us support our neighbours regardless of their tribe because when they develop, you also grow,” he said.

Uhuru warned that the politics of tribalism could easily land Kenya back in the dark days of the 2007 general elections.

“As a nation, it is important to be honest and truthful because if we don’t talk the truth, we will regress to old mistakes we made in this country. It is not the first time to witness leaders speak on things that can bring chaos in the country. The last time we saw was in 2007, and what happened? Don’t think it started there with the elections. No, it started with the kind of statements by the political class, and currently we are witnessing the same today,” he said.

Uhuru warned against politics of tribe and division, saying it will undermine unity in the country.

“We have started to see others playing politics of division, and they speak those things in front of those leading the nation. They are inciting and want to bring chaos, and nobody in the leadership is standing out to stop and warn them against such statements,” he said.

Uhuru appealed to the country’s leadership and security officers to clamp down on such statements aimed at creating chaos in the country.

“I ask government officials and security officers, if you love your country, don’t allow such utterances. Let everyone sell their policies and manifesto. That is our work,” he said.

Uhuru challenged the political class to practice politics of ideology and issue-based engagement.

“We cannot allow ourselves to be divided because we are all Kenyans. Let us talk about what we will do for Kenyans and how we will solve the current problems we have in Kenya. This is our ideology and political game plan to leadership,” he said.

Uhuru challenged the youths to vie for leadership positions to help change the destiny of the country.

“Let the youths take over the leadership. Don’t be a leader of cheap popularity, as it will take you nowhere. Be a leader who can uplift your brothers and sisters and make a difference in someone’s life,” he said.

Uhuru said the harsh economic times were the actual problem facing Kenyans and should be addressed.

“We know where the problem lies. Deal with the issue, and it is simple. People are rioting because of harsh economic times in the country. Look at the trouble affecting the country and stop getting into tribal politics. If you want us to solve the problem, invite us. Stop the blame game. We know where the problem is. Let us get to the table and find a solution,” he said.

Uhuru said he was committed to ensuring the Jubilee Party was a national party and not a tribal one.

“I want our party to be a national party and not a tribal one. We are a national party. Unite and work for everyone,” he said.

By Hon Sammy Weya

The story of Yala Swamp is no longer just about agriculture. It is now about power, governance, environmental destruction, public accountability, and the future of one of Kenya’s most important wetlands.

What began as a rice and fish farming project under Dominion Farms has gradually transformed into a controversial sugarcane expansion under Lake Agro Limited — a transition surrounded by serious questions about legality, transparency, environmental compliance, and public participation.

A Wetland of National Importance

Yala Swamp, located along the shores of Lake Victoria in Siaya County, is one of Kenya’s largest freshwater wetlands. The swamp supports biodiversity, regulates flooding, acts as a fish breeding ground, and sustains thousands of livelihoods through fishing, rice farming, grazing, and papyrus harvesting.

Over the years, several internationally recognized studies warned against converting the wetland into large-scale sugarcane plantations.

Feasibility and environmental studies conducted or supported by organizations including:

• USAID
• World Resources Institute
• JICA
• HVA International BV

consistently recommended that Yala Swamp’s ecological sensitivity made it more suitable for rice cultivation, aquaculture, and controlled agricultural activities rather than extensive sugarcane monoculture and industrial milling.

Dominion Farms’ Original Vision

The original American investor, Dominion Farms, despite facing criticism during its operations, invested heavily in rice production, fish farming, drainage systems, canals, roads, irrigation infrastructure, and even an airstrip within the swamp region.

The project was initially presented as a model for integrated agricultural development. Rice farming became a major economic activity in the area, providing employment opportunities and supporting local food security.

While Dominion Farms itself was not free from controversy, its operational model largely aligned with earlier feasibility recommendations emphasizing rice and aquaculture within the wetland ecosystem.

The Controversial Entry of Lake Agro

Questions began emerging when Lake Agro Limited allegedly took over Dominion Farms’ operations under unclear circumstances.

Residents and stakeholders have continued to ask:

• How was the transition negotiated?
• Was there proper public participation?
• Did local communities consent to the arrangement?
• Was the County Assembly involved?
• Were environmental audits conducted before approval?
• Why was a 65-year lease reportedly allowed over such a sensitive wetland ecosystem?

Critics argue that the takeover happened during the administration of former Siaya Governor Cornel Rasanga and during the presidency of Uhuru Kenyatta, amid allegations of political influence and connections involving individuals associated with the Rai family business interests.

These concerns continue to raise broader national questions about land governance, devolution, and the protection of public ecological resources.

From Rice Fields to Sugarcane Expansion

One of the most alarming developments has been the gradual replacement of rice farming with sugarcane cultivation across sections of the swamp.

Critics say this transition directly contradicts multiple expert studies that warned against intensive sugarcane development within the wetland.

Environmental and community concerns include:

• Destruction of wetland ecosystems
• Interference with natural water flows
• Reduced fish breeding areas
• Increased flooding risks
• Loss of biodiversity
• Threats to food security
• Reduced local employment diversity

Residents also claim that infrastructure established during the Dominion Farms era — including canals, roads, drainage systems, and the airstrip — has been neglected or destroyed due to poor maintenance.

The drainage canals that once supported controlled water management reportedly continue deteriorating, threatening both agricultural productivity and ecological stability within the swamp.

Questions Over Environmental Oversight

There are also growing accusations that environmental oversight agencies have become silent observers.

Local stakeholders allege that agencies such as the National Environment Management Authority have failed to consistently audit or enforce environmental compliance standards within the swamp.

Critics argue that the absence of transparent environmental monitoring has enabled unchecked expansion of sugarcane farming while sensitive wetland areas continue degrading.

This has fuelled fears that Kenya may be sacrificing long-term environmental sustainability for short-term commercial interests.

The Sugar Mill Controversy

The latest source of public concern is the reported approval of a sugar milling licence within the Yala Swamp ecosystem.

Opponents argue that establishing a sugar mill inside or near a fragile wetland threatens to accelerate ecological destruction through:

• Industrial waste generation
• Increased water extraction
• Pollution risks
• Expansion of sugarcane monoculture
• Encroachment into protected wetland areas

For many residents, the issue is not simply about investment. It is about whether development is being carried out lawfully, transparently, and sustainably.

Public Participation Cannot Be Optional

The Constitution of Kenya guarantees public participation in decisions involving public resources, land, and environmental management.

If indeed long-term leases, land allocations, environmental approvals, or industrial licences were issued without meaningful consultation of affected communities, then serious constitutional and legal questions arise.

Communities around Yala Swamp deserve answers on:

• Land ownership structures
• Lease agreements
• Environmental impact assessments
• Revenue sharing
• County cess payments
• Water use rights
• Compliance with wetland protection laws

Allegations that cess payments to Siaya County have not been properly remitted, if proven true, would further deepen concerns about accountability and public benefit.

A National Environmental Test Case

The future of Yala Swamp represents a defining test for Kenya.

Will Kenya protect its fragile ecosystems and uphold scientific recommendations? Or will politically connected commercial interests override environmental sustainability and public accountability?

Wetlands are not ordinary land. Once destroyed, they are extremely difficult — and sometimes impossible — to restore.

Yala Swamp is not only a Siaya resource. It is a national ecological asset connected to Lake Victoria’s health, regional biodiversity, climate resilience, and food security.

The people of Siaya — and Kenyans at large — deserve transparency, environmental justice, and genuine public participation in determining the future of Yala Swamp.

By Hon Sammy Weya

Recent remarks by Hon. John Mbadi suggesting that “Raila is dead and we should move on swiftly” have shocked and angered many loyal supporters of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) across the country. Such statements are not only careless and insensitive, but they also reveal a worrying level of arrogance and political ingratitude from a man whose entire political career was built and nurtured by the sacrifices, struggles, and leadership of Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga.

Let us be honest with ourselves. Raila Odinga made many leaders politically relevant, including John Mbadi. ODM supporters stood with these leaders through difficult moments because of their loyalty to Raila and the ideals he represented — democracy, social justice, inclusivity, and the fight for ordinary Kenyans. For Mbadi to now dismiss the emotions and attachment of millions of supporters with such reckless language is both disrespectful and unacceptable.

We have seen this type of political arrogance before. Many leaders rise quickly, become intoxicated with power and status, develop a “big man syndrome,” and begin imagining that they are bigger than the movement that created them. History in Kenyan politics has repeatedly shown that such attitudes rarely end well. Political relevance is not sustained by arrogance, but by humility, respect, and connection to the people.

Winnie Odinga simply asked legitimate and difficult questions regarding the state of Kenya’s economy, the ballooning debt burden, and the frustration being experienced by millions of citizens. These are not imaginary concerns. Kenyans are struggling with the high cost of living, shrinking business opportunities, unemployment, and growing economic uncertainty. Instead of responding with maturity and facts, some leaders have chosen to attack and dismiss those raising these concerns.

ODM supporters are still emotionally wounded and politically disoriented. It has not even been a year, and many people within the movement are still trying to regain their footing. Mourning a political icon and statesman of Raila Odinga’s stature is not something people simply “move on from” overnight. Raila represented hope to millions of Kenyans who felt excluded, unheard, and marginalized by the system.

Those who claim to have “moved on” should at least have the decency to respect those who are still grieving and reflecting on the future of the movement. Leadership requires empathy and emotional intelligence, not dismissive rhetoric aimed at silencing genuine feelings and concerns.

Hon. Mbadi would do well to remember that political seasons change quickly in Kenya. The same people cheering him today can just as easily walk away tomorrow. Respect for the movement, respect for Raila’s legacy, and respect for ODM supporters must never be treated casually.

The people are watching, listening, and taking note.

The writer is a former MP, Alego Usonga.

By Anderson Ojwang

The bug in the family. In the little-known Rata village and Ndiru Primary School in Seme sub-county rose Kenya’s theatre legend.

Kenya’s bearded professor, Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o, wrote the story of the country’s global arts and theatre through a bug that bit the family and runs deep.

From Alliance High came Peter

From Alliance High School came Peter, who in Form One defied all the odds and volunteered to be among the prospective actors of that year’s play by Shakespeare, Twelfth Night.

“From Ndiru Primary School, where I trekked for four kilometres, went without lunch for four years, sat and passed my exams, a passion was born. I passed and joined Alliance High School. One fine morning, at the parade ground, the headmaster announced that this year they were recruiting actors for the play Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night,” he said.

The announcement triggered excitement in him and adrenaline boiled in him, and he told himself that was a chance of a lifetime that he must take up.

“Those who are interested in acting in the school’s main play, please report to the main hall at 5.00 pm. As a Form One, I reported to the venue because I wanted to be an actor in the play,” he said.

Nyong’o braved the audition and finally landed the role of a curtain boy for the play – no mean achievement for a Form One student.

“After the audition, I was told I was going to be the curtain boy. You know what a curtain boy means? Opening the curtain. I said fine, it always begins from somewhere. So I will be the curtain boy. I was a curtain boy who ended up knowing every sentence in the play,” he said.

In Form Two, when a similar announcement was made, Nyong’o was up again, running to the audition and hoping to land a better role this time than curtain boy.

“I went to the main hall, prepared for a breakthrough. That time it was another play by Shakespeare, Othello. From a curtain boy, I was cast as the Duke of Venice,” he said.

That was the beginning of Nyong’o’s life in theatre, and he later introduced theatre to the Alliance Boys Luo Association.

From Alliance High School, Nyong’o became the centre of theatre in Kisumu and even produced a play.

“I started bringing plays to Kisumu during the holidays, where they acted in the Social Hall. Finally, we graduated to Garrison Theatre, which used to be in Robert Ouko Estate. In my fourth form, I produced a play in Kisumu at Garrison Theatre. I was rising,” he said.

In Forms 4, 5, and 6, Nyong’o was playing leading roles and even became the chairman of the debating society and the school captain of Alliance Boys.

“Acting and producing plays taught me one thing: speaking on stage is something so nice. It gets everyone listening to you as you speak. You are powerful. My entry into politics started with acting plays. When I went to Makerere University, in my first year I was elected guild representative,” he said.

Mexico: Lupita the conqueror

In exile in Mexico arrived a bouncing little girl, Lupita – a gem and a typical recreation of the bearded professor in all shades.

In Lupita, Nyong’o’s theatre soulmate arrived to carry on with the journey from Alliance High School to the globe.

Lupita Nyong’o started acting as a teen in Kenya and went on to work behind the scenes of the film The Constant Gardener. She directed and produced the albinism documentary In My Genes and starred in the TV series Shuga.

In a journey to fulfil her father’s dream, Lupita went to the U.S. for higher studies and received a BA from Hampshire College. She graduated with an MFA degree from the Yale School of Drama in 2012.

In her youth spent in Kenya, she was active in theatre, starred in a TV series, and directed and produced the documentary In My Genes about the discriminatory treatment of Kenya’s albino population in 2009.

Just like her father, Lupita authored a bestselling children’s book titled Sulwe.

Her major breakthrough came in the movie 12 Years a Slave, in which her acting was critically acclaimed.

She won an Academy Award for ‘Best Supporting Actress’ for her role in this movie and is the first Mexican-Kenyan actress to receive this honour.

With other key roles in movies and on Broadway under her belt, Lupita has won numerous awards/nominations and accolades. Her next projects are to produce and star in Born a Crime, a film adaptation of Trevor Noah’s memoir, and in a television series based on Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s novel Americanah.

Lupita has become a majestic fashion icon, with red-carpet appearances and features in publications like In Style and W. She also twice graced the cover of Vogue in a short span of time, appearing on the publication’s July 2014 and October 2015 issues.

Peter and Lupita – Kenya’s arts and theatre have shone globally.

By Anderson Ojwang

Academic panic and despair have descended on the County Government of Kisumu after the Public Service Board advertised the vacant positions of directors.

In what can be seen as an academic bombshell, most of the officers who had been angling for the vacant positions have no master’s degree and had been lobbying some of the top government officials to intervene and support their cause.

But the new regime led by Prof James Obondi Otieno has raised the bar high for the vacant positions of directors in the recent internal advert calling for applications.

Interestingly, some of the would-be applicants have loudly complained about the academic requirement of a master’s degree and have even contemplated challenging the advert in court.

The advert read in parts: “Pursuant to the Constitution of Kenya 2010 and the County Government Act No. 17 of 2012, the County Government of Kisumu invites applications from suitably qualified serving officers within the County Government of Kisumu to fill the following vacant internal positions on a promotion basis. Applications open only for serving Kisumu County Government staff.”

In total, the Public Service Board advertised for 16 vacant directorial positions in the county.

The requirements for appointment included, among others, a master’s degree and a certificate in a Strategic Leadership Development Programme lasting not less than six weeks from a recognized institution.

Tension has been high at the county government prosperity offices after allegations emerged that a senior government officer was bribed to intervene on behalf of some would-be applicants.

It is alleged the officer collected between Sh200,000 from the outgoing chief officers and directors to influence contract renewal.

Sources disclosed to Western Insight that the attempts failed to succeed after the board told Governor Anyang’ Nyong’o that an internal advert would yield the desired human resources required for the positions.

Nyong’o gave the board the green light to continue with the recruitment and ensure integrity and competence during the exercise.

Sources said some of the top government officers wanted to use Nyong’o to yield and support their scheme in order to cover their backs over the bribery claims.

Prof Otieno, when contacted, said their priority was to uphold Nyong’o’s legacy by recruiting qualified personnel to drive the agenda of the county.

“We want to be fair to all applicants. Our role is to look at the qualifications. I am convinced there are so many qualified and deserving staff who merit these positions,” he said.

He said they will adhere to the constitution and remain professional in delivering their duty.

The employees at the county are happy with the structures the new board has put in place and how they are turning around the work culture in the county.

“We are happy that promotions are now on merit and we can compete without any form of favouritism,” they said.

The move has witnessed a rush by some employees to enrol for master’s degrees and other courses.

By Anderson Ojwang’

Kenya’s sugar industry faces an imminent glut following a possible saturation of the local market after a multi-agency team flagged 1,481 metric tons of excess sugar imported into the country.

In the eye of the storm is the Kisumu-based Kibos Sugar and Allied Industries, through its subsidiary, Mombasa Sugar Refineries Limited (MSRL), which was accused of importing an excess of 1,481 tons of raw sugar into the country.

According to a recent publication by the Consumer Federation of Kenya (COFEC), the multi-agency government team recently withheld the release of a 27,839-metric ton raw sugar consignment imported by Mombasa Sugar Refineries Limited (MSRL), a subsidiary of Kisumu-based Kibos Sugar.

The publication said the verification exercises uncovered an unaccounted excess of 1,481 metric tons at Mombasa Port — raising immediate questions about the integrity of the importation.

The disclosure was contained in a report generated by the Multi-Agency Team (MAT), following verification activities conducted across three sites: Mombasa Port, the Nairobi Freight Terminal, and MSRL’s processing plant in Kisumu.

Like many other private firms, Kibos Sugar acquired publicly-owned Chemilil Sugar and has many subsidiaries dealing in ethanol and fertilizers.

Recently, the government reduced the minimum sugarcane price from Sh5,750 to Sh5,500 per ton.

Similarly, the cost of a 50kg bag of sugar, which previously retailed at approximately Sh7,000, informed the earlier cane price of Sh5,750 per ton.

Currently, a sharp price fall of a 50kg bag of sugar to between Sh6,000 and Sh6,100 necessitated the review of raw material costs to ensure the industry remains viable.

In a statement, the Kenya Sugar Board said the move followed extensive consultations aimed at balancing farmer earnings, miller sustainability, and prevailing market realities as sugar production rises across the country.

“In a directive issued by the Kenya Sugar Board on April 24, 2026, all millers were instructed to immediately implement the new price and ensure prompt payments to farmers,” read the statement.

The statement said the decision was reached after deliberations by the 4th Interim Sugarcane Pricing Committee, which reviewed current market conditions and consulted key industry players.

Sources familiar with the discussions indicated that some millers had pushed for the price to be reduced further to Sh5,000 per ton, arguing that rising production costs and falling sugar prices were squeezing their margins.

“However, after careful consideration, the government settled on Sh5,500 per ton to protect farmers from a steep reduction while still responding to changing market dynamics,” read the statement.

The reduction in cane prices could have been as a result of saturation of the local sugar market by excess sugar imports, putting local farmers at risk.

Players in the sugar industry revealed that the millers had wanted the cane prices to be reduced to Sh4,500 because of the flooding of the local market by imported sugar.

Recently, Suba South MP Caroli Omondi raised a red flag over the reduction of cane prices.

The tone and style of the MAT report signals that the matter may move beyond routine regulatory oversight into the realm of senior political and fiscal decision-making.

Why was the excess consignment not declared?

At the centre of the standoff is a finding by the MAT that the consignment arrived with 1,481 metric tons more sugar than had been declared and accounted for — a discrepancy identified through the Kenya Ports Authority (KPA) OutTurn Report.

Under the binding conditions governing the release, MSRL was required to account for all excess landed quantities and seek formal clearance through the KenTrade and iCMS platforms before any sugar could leave the port.

MSRL has pushed back. The company has formally written to KPA disputing the computation of quantities, triggering a three-way reconciliation process now underway between MSRL, KPA, and the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA).

The consignment remains blocked at the port CFS pending resolution.

According to the publication, the significance of 1,481 unaccounted tons cannot be understated.

At prevailing wholesale prices for raw sugar, the quantity represents substantial fiscal exposure — and in a sector notorious for the diversion of industrially-imported sugar into the retail market, an unexplained excess at the point of entry is precisely the kind of red flag the MAT framework was designed to catch.

Verification

Beyond the quantity dispute, the MAT’s site inspections across the three locations returned a mixed picture:

At Mombasa Port, the team confirmed the presence of the cargo and found that bags were packaged in varying weights of between 46 and 49 kilograms — a notable finding given that standard commercial sugar bags carry uniform weights. All bags were confirmed to be marked “NOT FIT FOR HUMAN CONSUMPTION” as required.

At the Kisumu processing plant, the MAT found that MSRL’s facility is adequately prepared to receive, store, secure, and process the entire consignment — clearing a key prerequisite for eventual release.

At the Nairobi Freight Terminal, verification was also completed as part of the end-to-end logistics assessment.

The team further agreed that any emerging operational issues around transportation, storage, and processing would be jointly discussed and addressed conclusively — a provision suggesting the agencies anticipate further complications as the consignment moves through the supply chain.

Conditions

Notwithstanding MSRL’s execution of the binding compliance declaration on 27th March 2026 — signed by Group Corporate Affairs Manager Joyce Opondo and General Legal Counsel Nicholas Melkior Oloo — the consignment has not been released.

The MAT has also developed a draft action plan aligned with the release conditions to facilitate movement of the consignment to MSRL’s Kisumu plant once the quantity dispute is resolved.

Five documents have been generated, including the signed release conditions, an implementation matrix, and the three site verification reports from Mombasa Port (dated 31st March 2026), Kisumu, and the Nairobi Freight Terminal.

We could not reach any of the official spokespersons of MAT institutions for their comment.

Next steps

The ball now rests with MAT leadership to determine the way forward.

Three scenarios are possible:

1. If the KPA-KRA-MSRL reconciliation resolves the 1,481-tonne discrepancy in MSRL’s favour, the cargo could be released under the strict MAT conditions already signed.
2. If the excess quantity is confirmed as genuinely unaccounted for, MSRL faces the prospect of formal duty and tax assessments on the additional tonnage, potential seizure, or prosecution.
3. If the dispute remains unresolved, the consignment faces extended detention at Mombasa Port — with accumulating demurrage costs adding commercial pressure on MSRL to reach a settlement quickly.

Significance

The MSRL consignment saga spotlights systemic vulnerabilities in Kenya’s sugar import governance. The involvement of at least nine government agencies in the MAT — spanning KSB, KRA, KPA, KEBS, KenTrade, and the National Police Service — reflects the scale of institutional anxiety around sugar diversion, a problem that has cost Kenya’s domestic industry and treasury billions of shillings over many years.

The high fiscal stakes involved and the political sensitivity of the consignment cannot be over-emphasized.

Mombasa Sugar Refineries Limited (MSRL) formally committed to a sweeping 15-point compliance regime imposed by a government Multi-Agency Team, in a move that underscores deepening official anxiety over the diversion of industrially-imported sugar into Kenya’s retail market.

The Kenya Sugar Board, acting on behalf of the Multi-Agency Team (MAT), issued the conditions on 26th March 2026, with MSRL’s authorised representatives signing the Declaration of Compliance the following day, 27th March 2026.

The document establishes what amounts to a cradle-to-grave surveillance architecture over every kilogram of raw sugar in the consignment, from Mombasa Port all the way to MSRL’s processing facilities in Kisumu.

The conditions, issued by KSB and accepted by MSRL a day later, cover 15 activity areas including:

(a) Port verification — MAT officers must physically visit Mombasa Port warehouses to confirm cargo quantities and ensure all bags are marked “NOT FIT FOR HUMAN CONSUMPTION” in indelible ink.

(b) Site verification — MSRL must install CCTV across all storage and processing areas, with footage retained for the full duration of the consignment cycle. MAT retains on-demand access to all footage.

(c) Transport logistics — Sugar must move from Mombasa to Nairobi via the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR), then onward to Kisumu by road in close-bodied, RECTS-compliant trucks moving in convoys on pre-approved routes. Any truck breaking from the convoy must be immediately reported to MAT.

(d) Cargo security — Each truck must carry tamper-proof customs seals and Regional Electronic Cargo Tracking System (RECTS) e-seals, armed at loading and disarmed only at destination. MAT officers are to be deployed at designated checkpoints along the entire route.

(e) Traceability and accountability — MSRL must maintain a real-time production register recording daily input-output ratios, refined sugar quantities, by-products generated, process losses, and sales — including buyer identity, PIN, invoice number, and price.

(f) Distribution restrictions — White refined sugar produced from the consignment may only be sold to manufacturers, not retailers or the general market. All bags must bear the marking “WHITE REFINED SUGAR — FOR INDUSTRIAL USE ONLY.”

(g) Final end-to-end audit — Upon exhaustion of the consignment, MAT must undertake a comprehensive audit reconciling all quantities from port to final sale, including monthly VAT returns. The audit report must be submitted to the Cabinet Secretary, National Treasury (CS, NT) within 14 days.

Consequences

The conditions make clear that any diversion of raw sugar into the domestic market constitutes a breach, alongside repackaging for retail, selling to non-manufacturers, tampering with CCTV or RECTS seals, and obstructing authorised officers.

Consequences of breach include suspension of the conditional release, seizure of the remaining consignment, recommendation for prosecution, and enforcement action to recover taxes.

Critically, MSRL expressly acknowledged in the Declaration that any diversion by its staff, representatives, or agents is its primary liability — a provision that pierces corporate veil arguments and places personal accountability squarely on the company’s leadership.

Scrutiny

The stringent conditions reflect a Kenya sugar sector under sustained pressure. The country has long grappled with the illicit diversion of industrially-imported sugar — brought in duty-free or at reduced tariff — into the retail food chain, undercutting domestic producers and cheating the exchequer of tax revenues. The involvement of no fewer than nine agencies in the MAT — including KRA, KEBS, KenTrade, and the National Police Service — signals that authorities are treating this consignment as a high-risk operation requiring whole-of-government oversight.

The requirements suggest the consignment carries fiscal dimensions significant enough to warrant senior political attention.

By Dr. Paul Saoke – Author: Africa’s Atomic Odyssey

“Kenya’s energy future will not be defined by whether it has renewable resources, but by how effectively it transforms those resources into stable, scalable, and industrial-grade power systems. Green hydrogen offers the opportunity to bridge the gap between renewable abundance, industrial growth, AI-driven economies, and long-term climate sustainability without the financial and environmental burdens associated with nuclear energy.”

Green Hydrogen: Powering Kenya’s Future

Kenya today stands at a unique energy crossroads. On one hand, the country possesses some of the most promising renewable energy resources in Africa, including geothermal, solar, wind, hydro, and biomass potential. In fact, Kenya is already globally recognized for having one of the highest shares of renewable electricity generation in its energy mix, with geothermal energy serving as a major backbone of the national grid. Yet despite this renewable advantage, the country still faces a growing energy challenge driven by rapid urbanization, industrialization, population growth, digital transformation, electric mobility, and the emerging demands of artificial intelligence, advanced manufacturing, and data-driven economies.

The issue is therefore not simply whether Kenya has renewable energy potential. The deeper issue is whether the country can generate enough stable, affordable, scalable, and future-ready energy to sustain long-term industrial growth while simultaneously meeting climate commitments and avoiding energy insecurity.

As Kenya pursues industrial expansion through initiatives such as Special Economic Zones (SEZs), digital infrastructure, smart cities, electric transport systems, and AI-enabled industries, electricity demand is expected to rise substantially over the next two decades. Hyperscale data centres, advanced manufacturing facilities, logistics systems, and AI-driven digital economies require enormous and uninterrupted energy supply. This creates legitimate concerns about whether the existing renewable energy mix alone can support future economic transformation without creating supply constraints, grid instability, or escalating energy costs.

It is within this context that the debate around nuclear energy has increasingly emerged in Kenya. Advocates of nuclear power argue that it offers stable baseload electricity capable of supporting industrialization and long-term energy security. However, nuclear energy presents major financial, environmental, technological, geopolitical, and regulatory challenges that may not align easily with Kenya’s current economic realities or long-term sustainability priorities.

Nuclear power projects typically require:

• extremely high upfront capital costs,
• long development timelines,
• complex regulatory systems,
• advanced technical expertise,
• radioactive waste management,
• major water requirements,
• and long-term geopolitical and security considerations.

For many developing economies, including Kenya, nuclear energy risks becoming an expensive and inflexible infrastructure pathway that could create future fiscal and environmental liabilities.

Green hydrogen, by contrast, presents a far more adaptive, scalable, and strategically advantageous alternative for Kenya’s future energy transition.

Kenya possesses exceptional natural conditions for becoming a major green hydrogen economy. The country’s abundant geothermal resources, high solar irradiance, wind corridors, and expanding renewable energy base provide ideal conditions for large-scale green hydrogen production through renewable-powered electrolysis.

Unlike nuclear energy, green hydrogen does not produce radioactive waste, does not require highly centralized mega-reactor infrastructure, and can be deployed incrementally and flexibly across industrial zones, transport corridors, ports, SEZs, and urban centres. More importantly, green hydrogen complements Kenya’s renewable energy strengths rather than competing with them.

One of the greatest advantages of green hydrogen is its ability to solve the intermittency problem associated with renewable energy. Solar and wind power generation fluctuate depending on weather and time of day. Green hydrogen allows excess renewable electricity to be converted into hydrogen and stored for later use, effectively functioning as long-duration energy storage. This capability could become critical as Kenya’s future energy system becomes more digital, industrialized, and AI-driven.

In practical terms, green hydrogen could support:

• industrial manufacturing,
• fertilizer production,
• green steel and cement industries,
• heavy transport and logistics,
• shipping and aviation fuels,
• power generation backup,
• AI-powered data centres,
• and export-oriented industrial zones.

This makes hydrogen not just an energy source, but an industrial development platform capable of transforming Kenya into a regional clean-energy manufacturing and export hub.

The strategic advantage over nuclear energy becomes even clearer when considering economic inclusivity and infrastructure scalability. Nuclear projects are typically centralized, capital-intensive, and dependent on foreign technology ecosystems. Green hydrogen systems, however, can support decentralized industrial growth, localized energy ecosystems, and integration with existing renewable infrastructure. Hydrogen production facilities can be developed near geothermal fields, solar parks, ports, industrial parks, and SEZs, creating new regional economic corridors and employment opportunities.

Green hydrogen also positions Kenya advantageously within emerging global carbon markets and international green supply chains. As Europe, Asia, and other global markets increasingly shift toward low-carbon industrial imports, countries capable of producing green fuels and low-carbon industrial products will gain significant competitive advantages.

Kenya could potentially export:

• green hydrogen,
• green ammonia,
• green fertilizers,
• low-carbon manufactured goods,
• and renewable-powered industrial products.

This creates opportunities not only for energy security, but also for export growth, foreign direct investment, industrial competitiveness, and climate financing.

Importantly, green hydrogen aligns more naturally with Kenya’s broader climate commitments and sustainability ambitions. While nuclear energy is often described as low-carbon, it remains burdened by concerns around waste disposal, decommissioning costs, water consumption, accident risks, and long-term environmental stewardship. Green hydrogen offers a cleaner and more publicly acceptable pathway that strengthens rather than complicates Kenya’s renewable energy transition.

In the context of the AI revolution and rapidly expanding digital economies, Kenya’s future energy strategy must therefore move beyond the traditional debate of “renewables versus nuclear.” The more strategic question is how Kenya can build an integrated energy ecosystem capable of powering industrialization, AI infrastructure, advanced manufacturing, and economic growth sustainably.

Green hydrogen may provide precisely that bridge.

Rather than locking the country into expensive and rigid nuclear infrastructure, Kenya has the opportunity to become a continental leader in renewable-powered hydrogen economies built on its existing geothermal, solar, and wind strengths. If properly developed, green hydrogen could simultaneously address:

• future energy demand,
• industrial decarbonization,
• renewable energy storage,
• climate resilience,
• export competitiveness,
• and long-term energy sovereignty.

In that sense, green hydrogen is not merely an alternative energy source. For Kenya, it could become the foundation of an entirely new industrial and economic era — one capable of powering both the country’s development ambitions and its climate future without forcing a compromise between economic growth and environmental sustainability.

By Anderson Ojwang

The back-and-forth accusation between the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) and the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) over the delay in the administration of justice went a notch higher after EACC published its quarterly report.

In the EACC quarterly report shared on its social media platforms, it read: “Status of files submitted to DPP for January 1 to March 31, 2026.”

In the report, EACC submitted 35 files to ODPP, of which 30 files they recommended for prosecution, while three EACC recommended for closure, and two were recommended for administrative or other action.

In the chain, EACC is mandated to investigate and then send the files to the DPP, which in turn is expected to review the files and return them to EACC with actions to be taken.

During that quarter, after review of the 30 files that had been sent for prosecution, the DPP recommended only seven for prosecution.

Of the three files that had been sent to ODPP for closure, only one was approved by the DPP for closure, while of the two files which were recommended for administrative or other action, the DPP approved only one.

Interestingly, 15 of the 35 files were still awaiting ODPP’s advice; this accounts for 43 percent of the files that ODPP has failed to act on in the first quarter.

Last year in September, eighteen high-profile graft cases from 15 counties were withdrawn by the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP) since 2013, despite the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) submitting what it insists were watertight investigation files.

The EACC claimed its lack of prosecutorial powers has severely undermined its ability to hold corrupt officials accountable and recover stolen public funds.

A long-standing turf war between the EACC and the ODPP resurfaced, as the latest report to the Senate County Public Accounts Committee (CPAC) reveals how completed graft investigations have repeatedly stalled at the prosecution stage.

“The major withdrawals happened between 2023 and 2024, with five and seven cases dropped respectively. So far in 2025, two cases have already been withdrawn,” said Ahmed Mahmoud, CEO of the EACC.

According to the EACC, the trend not only weakens public confidence in anti-corruption efforts but also wastes significant resources invested in investigations, especially when cases are dropped without proper consultation.

Senators have questioned the rationale behind the ODPP’s decisions, raising concerns about transparency and the lack of collaboration between the two key institutions.

“I’m looking at a situation where the ODPP is not just terminating a case but claims to have recovered the stolen funds. How does the ODPP manage to recover money without prosecuting?” asked Samson Cherargei, Nandi Senator.

“Even if the DPP has the legal authority, does he understand the resources spent on these investigations? How does he just withdraw a case without engaging the investigating agency?” posed Fatuma Dullo, Isiolo Senator.

In response, the EACC is urging lawmakers to consider amending the law to grant the commission prosecutorial powers, arguing that doing so would lead to more consistent and successful outcomes in court.

“It would be better if we were allowed to pursue civil recovery independently. As the CEO mentioned, our success rate in asset recovery through civil cases is impressive,” said David Oginde, Chairperson of the EACC.

“The ODPP can do what he wants with a criminal case, as long as the court agrees. But in many cases, if the prosecutor won’t prosecute, there’s little the court can do,” added Mahmoud.