By Anderson Ojwang

The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party leader, Dr Oburu Oginga, on Sunday tasted the bitter pills of realpolitik after he finally walked out from the shadows of his younger brother, the late Raila Amolo Odinga.

In what was viewed as a battle of the masses between Oburu and his team against Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, the former were outsmarted, outwitted, outshone, and outnumbered by Sifuna’s faction, comprising Babu Owino, James Orengo, Omondi Caroli, Geoffrey Osotsi, among others.

It was a defining moment for the two warring factions as Sifuna’s venue in Kitengela was organic, electric, charged, and packed with hundreds of supporters.

At Tononoka Grounds in Mombasa, the home ground of ODM, it was a poor show, with a minimal crowd attending the Linda Ground rally. This was in contrast to previous functions held by the late enigma at the ground, which used to teem with a sea of humanity—organic and electric.

In Kitengela, the spirit of Raila Odinga descended at the venue, with speakers one after another and the crowd in consonance chanting: “Raila ako hapa sio Mombasa” (Raila’s spirit is here and not in Mombasa) before breaking into the song “Bado Mapambano, Mapambano.”

As was often the case with Raila’s functions in his heydays under successive regimes—where his rallies were laced and punctuated with teargas—Sifuna’s team suffered the same consequences.

Police lobbed teargas into the crowd, forcing supporters to respond by engaging security officers in running battles, leading to the abrupt closure of business premises while several people were injured.

In Mombasa, Oburu said they would not allow people to pull them back after the party mandated him to embark on negotiations with President William Ruto’s UDA.

“I have made my shoes and I have started to walk, so I cannot fall. I want to tell you Raila left us in a broad-based arrangement. I have been mandated by the party to negotiate with President Ruto. I am soon forming a strong team from ODM to lead the negotiations.

We are not going to allow people to pull us backward. Things will not fall apart,” he said.

Babu said yesterday marked an important moment in the party and defined the two factions.

“Today they have the party, but we have the party members. When they go to State House, do they tell you? They go alone. They are trying to threaten us, but they cannot manage us,” he said.

Orengo said the genuine ODM members were in Kitengela and that those in Mombasa should refund President Ruto his money.

“Watu wa ODM ambao wako Mombasa warudishie Ruto pesa zake (Those ODM members in Mombasa should refund Ruto his money). ODM members and leaders are here in Kitengela,” he said.

Oburu said there were currently some disciplinary issues in the party and that the minority must accept the decision of the majority.

“In ODM, as you all know, we have some disciplinary issues within us because we believe that a political party is like a club. It must have some discipline, and democracy doesn’t mean chaos but order.

If you are in the minority and you are defeated, you keep your tail under you and you don’t go out and start talking as if you are the king,” he said.

Sifuna responded that as of February 15, 2026, he was still the Secretary General of ODM.

“Kitengela hoyee, can you see me better? Because of your prayers and the love of God, I stand here in Kitengela as the Secretary General of ODM,” he said.

In Mombasa, Assembly Minority Leader Junet Mohammed accused the Sifuna faction of affiliating with former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua.

He said the Mombasa meeting was purely ODM, unlike the Kitengela one, which he said was attended by political leaders from Jubilee, DCP, Wiper, and other parties.

“If they have decided to work with Wamunyoro, let them go. They should not bring division to the people of ODM. We want to work in line with the ODM constitution under the leadership of Dr Oburu Oginga.

The Central Committee mandated us to engage in pre-election coalition talks, and we are starting with UDA. We ask our colleagues to tell us about their plan.

Do you want development or demonstrations?” he said.

He criticised Siaya Governor James Orengo for specialising in the politics of demonstrations and failing to offer development to the people of Siaya.

“Siaya Governor James Orengo only understands the politics of demonstrations. Siaya people have no employment and development, and they have not benefitted from devolution. His only work is to take ODM to the streets.

We don’t fear you, and you cannot intimidate us. We have been in politics, and we have been mentored by Raila,” he said.

But Babu Owino said the fruits of demonstrations cannot be downplayed and that their contribution to a better Kenya is well documented.

Recently, the ODM NEC sacked Sifuna as Secretary General, but the Tribunal Court gave him a reprieve.

Sifuna found solidarity in Raila’s daughter, Winnie Odinga, who wrote on her Facebook page: “It is not well.”

“Every day they say they don’t want demos. Let me ask: how did we chase away the colonialists? What brought multipartyism, the new Constitution, and what brought the broad-based government?” he said.

By Anderson Ojwang

In the 2005 constitutional referendum, the battle was christened as Mt Kenya against the rest of the country and subsequently then President Mwai Kibaki suffered a humiliating defeat.

The Banana wing of President Kibaki which supported the Wako Draft constitution were humbled by the late Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka, Uhuru Kenyatta, Musalia Mudavadi and William Ruto Orange led wing of the anti-draft.

The Orange morphed into the Orange Democratic Movement(ODM) while Uhuru returned to the Mt Kenya fold to support President Kibaki re-election.

Another election with a combine force of Raila and Kalonzo was a tyranny of numbers and the decision by Kalonzo to run alone gave President Kibaki opportunity to ‘sneak’ in for a second term in what culminated into post-election violence and subsequent coalition government with Raila as the prime minister.

With the 2027 Presidential election just 17 months, it is emerging and getting clearer that Mt Kenya under DCP party leader Rigathi Gachagua and Kamba through Kalonzo have already built a political alliance for the general elections.

This alliance is a formidable force and creates tyranny of numbers which could easily ride to victory in presidential contest . On paper and constant, the duo would start at strength of 7,902,732 heading to the presidential election in terms of registered voters in the two regions.

In the last general election President William Ruto received 7,176,141 against the late Raila Amolo Odinga with 6,942,930 to win the presidency..

Interestingly, in the last general election Mt Kenya community had 4,168,414 vote cast while the Kamba community had 1,036,837.

From the above data, a Gema candidate would start at 5,205,251 votes against any opponent and they would only require few regions or community to easily sail to victory.

In analyzing the 2022 Presidential elections and the 2019 population census provide an interesting scenario ahead of the 2027 general elections and a paddle for a winning coalition arrangement.

The Mt Kenya population from its nine counties of Kiambu, Meru, Kirinyaga, Nyeri, Embu, Tharaka Nthi ,Nyandarua, Laikipia, Muranga,and the Diaspora Nakuru and Nairobi gives a total population of 11,840746 against grand total population of 47,584,454.2,034,584 did not vote.

Mt Kenya have a registered voters of 6,202,998 with a voter turnout of 67.2 percent which translated to 4,168,414 votes cast in the last general election.

The Mt Kenya community population accounts for 24 percent of the country’s population and the percentage registration with in independent electoral and boundary commission stands at 28 percent and in the general election the high voter turnout against low turnout from other regions of the country gives them 32.35 percent of the votes cast as per the last general elections.

In the breakdown of the data to individual county in Mt Kenya, Kiambu accounts for 2,41735 in population which accounts for five percent of the country’s population with a registered voters of 1,275,008. In the 2022 general election the voter turn out was 65 percent with 828,755 turning out to vote while 446,253 did not vote.

In Meru county with a population of 1,546,714 which accounts for three percent of the national population with registered voters of 772,136 with 66 percent voter turnout.

In Kirinyaga county with a population of 610,411 which accounts for one percent of the country’s population with registered voters of 376,001 with a voter turnout of 70 percent. In the last general election 263,200 voted while 112,801 did not vote.

In Nyeri county with a population 759,184, which accounts for two percent of the country’s population with a registered voters of 481,652 and turnout of 68 percent. This accounts for 327,523 people who voted while 154,329 did not vote.

In Muranga county with a population of 1,056,640 accounts for two percent of the country’s population with a registered voter o 620,626 and 68 percent voter turnout. Which translates to 422,025 votes while 198,601 did not vote.

In Tharaka Nthi county with a population 393,177 and accounts for one percent of the national population with a registered voters of 231,932 while 70 percent voter turnout. This translates to 162,352 votes cast while 69,580 did not vote.

In Embu county with a population of 608,599 which accounts for accounts for one percent of the country’s population with a registered voters of 334,302 and 67 percent voter turnout. This translates to 223,982 votes cast while 110,320 did not vote.

In Nyandarua county with a population of 638,289 which accounts for one percent of the national population with a registered voters of 361,165 with a turnout of 67 percent. This translates into 241,979 votes cast while 119,184 did not vote,.

In Laikipia county with a population of 518,560 which accounts for one percent of the national population with a registered voters of 263,012 with a voter turnout of 65 percent. This translates to 170,957 votes cast while 92,055 did not vote.

From the diaspora, Nakuru county, Mt Kenya community boasts of 91.9 percent of the total population which , 1,967,128 which accounts for four percent of the national population with a registered voters of 984,195 and a voter turnout of 67 percent. This translates to 659,410 votes casted while 324,785 did not vote.

In Nairobi county, the Mt Kenya population stands at 22 percent of the total population which comes to 1,005,220 and accounts for two percent of the national population, with a registered voters of 582,583 and a voter turnout of 65 percent. This translates to 378,679 votes cast while 203,904 did not vote.

The Kamba community its made up of three counties namely Machakos, Makueni and Kitui with a national population of ,3,346,772 which accounts for seven percent of the national population and a registered voter of 1,699,734, a voter turn out of 61 percent, which accounts for 8 percent of the national registration with a vote power of 10.2 percent.

In Makeni county, with a population of 987,653 which accounts for two percent of the national population with a registered voters of 479,401 and voter turn out of 61 percent accounting for 292,434 votes cast while 186,967 did not vote.

In Machakos County with a population of 1,422,952 which accounts for three percent of the national population with registered voter of 687,555 and voter turnout of 60 percent. This translates to 412,533 votes cast while 275,022 did not vote

In Kitui county with a population of 1,136,187 of the national population which accounts for the national population with registered vote of 532,578 and voter turnout at 62 percent. This translates to 330,198 votes cast while 202,380 did not vote.

From the above data, the presidential contest is likely to be intriguing and grueling in nature, more realignments are likely to be witnessed as we head to the elections.

By Anderson Ojwang

Kisumu Governor Prof. Anyang Nyong’o has revealed how he personally headhunted Edwin Sifuna to become Secretary General of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).

Nyong’o, who previously served as ODM’s first Secretary General, has in past speeches recounted how Sifuna rose to occupy one of the most influential positions within the party.

According to Nyong’o, he first noticed Sifuna through his newspaper articles in The Standard and was impressed by his analytical depth and writing skills. After serving 12 years as Secretary General, Nyong’o sought to step back from the administrative role and focus on strengthening the party’s research wing.

It was during that transition that he began scouting for a suitable successor.

Nyong’o narrated:

“Before I say much, I want to deal with a few matters rising from what has been spoken here. Are we together?
First, is the issue of Edwin Sifuna. I think none of you knows how Edwin Sifuna came into ODM.
Edwin used to write for The Standard newspaper, very good articles. And after serving for 12 years as Secretary General of ODM, I asked the party leader to allow me to concentrate on developing the research wing of the party and give the technocracy to another Secretary General.
We tried a few people, it never worked. So one day, I said to myself, that young man who writes so well in The Standard — let me call him and have lunch with him at United Kenya Club. I met Sifuna and I was very impressed. So I went and talked to the party leader and he agreed to have him on board.”

Nyong’o said that from the outset, Sifuna proved equal to the task and performed exemplarily as both Secretary General and party spokesperson.

“We read the interview Sifuna had at Kenya Times, where he made it very clear — being the Secretary General and the spokesperson of the party — he clarified every issue and since then, we have not seen any writing attacking Sifuna in the newspaper at all,” Nyong’o said.

“The guy is built for the future”

Defending Sifuna against critics at the time, Nyong’o questioned those who sought to undermine him and insisted the party had deliberately recruited him based on merit.

“Sasa wewe ni nani? Sasa wewe unaanza leo kupinga Sifuna wewe ni nani?”
(“Who are you to start criticizing Sifuna today? Who are you?”)

He continued:

“We in the party sought Sifuna from his professional work to bring him into the party. He has been doing an excellent job since then. Let us support him — we in the party and the people let us support him. The guy is built for the future. You know what I mean. Ukiangalia huko mbele, utaona Sifuna. If you don’t know what I am saying, go home and think.”

Political Storm in ODM

However, Sifuna now finds himself at the center of a political storm within ODM.

On Wednesday, the party’s National Executive Council (NEC), led by party leader Oburu Odinga, resolved to relieve him of his duties as Secretary General. The Political Parties Disputes Tribunal later granted Sifuna temporary reprieve.

The dispute is linked to internal divisions over a proposed pre-election coalition pact with President William Ruto’s United Democratic Alliance (UDA).

In a statement, ODM announced:

“Party National Executive Committee meeting in Mombasa today has resolved to relieve Secretary General Edwin Sifuna of his responsibilities with immediate effect. Effectively, Catherine Omanyo, who is one of the deputy secretary generals, will act in this position until a substantive holder of the office will be elected.”

In solidarity with Sifuna, East African Legislative Assembly MP Winnie Odinga, daughter of the late Raila Odinga, posted on Facebook: “It is not well.”

Siaya Governor James Orengo argued that Sifuna remains the legitimate office holder.

“How can you remove a substantive party Secretary General while your appointment was an illegality? The holders are in office illegally and do not have locus standi,” Orengo said.

Treasury Cabinet Secretary John Mbadi had earlier demanded Sifuna’s removal, arguing it would ease the path for coalition talks with President Ruto.

Meanwhile, Mama Ida Odinga appealed for unity within the party.

“It is my wish that we can preserve the party in his honor as a matter of service to our country. I want to appeal to those Baba left in the leadership of the party to reflect deeply and sincerely on his dreams for the party and for our country,” she said.

She further urged dialogue:

“Let us solve the problems of the party by always asking ourselves, what would Baba do under these circumstances?”

Interestingly, in a previous meeting, Oburu had publicly praised Sifuna’s leadership.

“I met with my friend, Senator Edwin Sifuna, the Secretary General of the ODM Party this morning. He remains a sober and principled voice, embodying the democratic ideals we believe in as a party,” Oburu wrote on his X handle.

He added at the time:

“We are one. We are united as the ODM Party. As a leader, I believe we must encourage everyone to speak their mind. Differences of opinion do not mean division. Great parties—like ODM—grow through robust debate and unique challenges.”

As the internal wrangles continue, Nyong’o’s earlier endorsement of Sifuna as a leader “built for the future” now adds historical weight to the unfolding leadership contest within ODM.

By Anderson Ojwang

He is regarded as a master planner and political mobilizer. For more than four decades, he has operated at the heart of President William Ruto’s political journey.

In him, President Ruto has often found a dependable strategist — meticulous with details, fearless in political contests, and adventurous in his approach to campaign battles that at times appeared untenable.

Meet Faruk Kibet Teigut, President Ruto’s long-serving aide, whom members of the Kabras clan in Kakamega County have christened Akhonya — meaning “the helper.” The name, locals say, captures his political brand: a mobilizer with an expansive network and a readiness to lend support across communities.

Delivering Malava

In last year’s November by-election in Malava Constituency, President Ruto entrusted Faruk with the task of delivering victory for the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) candidate, David Ndakwa. Ndakwa won the seat against stiff competition.

Faruk pitched camp in the constituency for more than three months, traversing villages, markets, and churches to popularize the party’s agenda.

Now, the President has once again deployed him to Western Kenya — this time to oversee UDA’s campaign in the West Kabras ward by-election scheduled for February 26.

Sources close to the campaign say Faruk has been spending most of his time in the ward, often staying at the homes of friends and allies and rarely traveling back to Eldoret or Nairobi.

A Tough Contest in West Kabras

In the upcoming by-election, UDA candidate Elphas Shalakha faces a competitive field that includes Bramwel Khaemba (DCP), Edward Indumuli (ODM), Nivah Musa (DAP-K), and a candidate from the National Economic Development Party associated with former Nairobi Governor Mike Sonko.

UDA Kakamega senatorial aspirant Stephen Shikanda says Faruk’s presence on the ground gives the party an advantage.

“Faruk was able to penetrate Luhya politics through Malava. In Malava he is more loved than the MP and that is why he is likely to deliver the ward seat. It is a tough battle against the opponents but he is more prepared for it,” Shikanda said.

Building Political Networks in Kabras

Fluent in the Luhya language and conversant with the Kabras dialect, Faruk has built long-standing ties in the region.

His engagement with the area dates back to 2007, when he was associated with local political activities involving the late ODM aspirant Musavini. He later became close to the late Housing Minister Soita Shitanda, who introduced him to his political network before his death in 2016.

Faruk also worked closely with the late Malulu Injendi and has maintained his presence in Malava and surrounding areas since.

Over the years, he has supported empowerment drives for women’s groups, youth organizations, widows, and boda boda associations across the seven wards of Malava Constituency. Beneficiaries say the initiatives helped them start small businesses and improve their livelihoods.

His ability to speak directly in the local dialect has further strengthened his grassroots appeal, with many residents now describing him as one of their own.

Campaign Style and Messaging

During the Malava mini-polls, Faruk became a constant presence in the constituency, conducting early morning visits and presiding over development-related engagements.

His efforts saw him square off politically against leaders such as Trans Nzoia Governor George Natembeya, Kakamega Senator Bonny Khalwale, DAP-K leader Eugene Wamalwa, and candidate Seth Panyako.

At campaign rallies, Faruk framed the contest as a choice between development and conflict.

“Mimi nataka kuona mkono ya maendeleo hapa. Ni Ndakwa au si Ndakwa. Nyinyi munataka kuona mkono ya vita.”
(“I want to see the hand of development here. Is it Ndakwa or not? Do you want to see the hand of conflict?”)

He added:
“Anatisha watu na vita. Omba kura na amani. Mtu ya vita yeye anafanya vita na haja pata kura. Akipata kura atawafanyia nini?”
(“They are threatening people with violence. Ask for votes peacefully. If someone is already causing conflict before getting votes, what will they do after being elected?”)

On infrastructure, he told residents:
“Hii barabara nimepitia ni mbaya sana, nitume grader.”
(“I passed through this road and it is in a bad state; I will send a grader.”)

And on unity, he urged peaceful campaigns:
“Wewe ukiwa jirani na unakula na jirani yako hakuli, ni vizuri ukule naye. Wewe upinzani omba kura ya amani.”
(“If you are eating and your neighbour has nothing, it is good to share. If you are in the opposition, ask for votes peacefully.”)

Focus on Issues

Faruk has criticized opponents for what he describes as attempts to personalize the campaign by dragging President Ruto and his allies into the contest rather than focusing on local development issues.

He maintains that his approach will center on issue-based campaigns and grassroots mobilization.

As President Ruto seeks to consolidate support in Western Kenya, particularly among Luhya voters, Faruk’s continued presence on the ground underscores the strategic importance of the region ahead of future political contests.

Whether his political machinery will once again deliver remains to be seen, but for now, Faruk — dubbed by allies as the President’s “Bwana Dawa” — is firmly back on the campaign trail in West Kabras.

By Billy Mijungu

There are moments in politics when a movement must look inward and ask itself who can hold the centre when its pillar steps aside. It is true no one can ever fit the shoes of Raila Odinga. He is not just a politician but an era. He is agitation and negotiation rolled into one. He is resilience shaped by decades of contest. But transitions are not about replacing legends. They are about preserving direction, protecting strength, and preparing for the next contest with clarity.

In this delicate hour for Orange Democratic Movement, the party needs a steady hand that understands both the fire of resistance and the arithmetic of power. James Orengo stands out as that hand. He has walked the long road of struggle. He has defended principles in courtrooms and on the streets. He has negotiated in tense rooms where the future of coalitions was decided. He understands that politics is not about noise alone but about leverage.

Orengo has watched and studied William Ruto carefully over the years. He knows that power responds to pressure. He knows that negotiation without strength is surrender dressed as compromise. Raila mastered the art of demonstrating political weight before sitting at the table. He would show his adversaries the cost of ignoring his base, then extend a hand of dialogue from a position of influence. That balance between agitation and engagement is what kept ODM relevant through shifting tides.

Today the circumstances are different and the party appears less assertive than it once was. Yet the lesson remains the same. If ODM is to reclaim strategic ground, it must speak with firmness and negotiate with purpose. The Deputy Presidency and other positions of influence should never be treated as distant dreams but as bargaining anchors in any coalition framework. Politics respects those who know their value.

Transitions are rarely gentle. They test loyalty, discipline, and vision. They expose internal weaknesses and external threats. In such times, familiarity with struggle becomes an asset. Orengo and his peers were forged in seasons when dissent carried consequences. They know what it means to defend a movement beyond convenience. They know that unity is built on clarity of purpose, not comfort.

ODM does not need a caretaker spirit. It needs continuity of conviction. It needs someone who understands Raila’s grammar of resistance and the logic of negotiation. Orengo may not be Raila, but he carries echoes of that firmness and that courage. In a transition that demands steadiness rather than spectacle, he offers experience over experiment and strategy over sentiment.