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Why prosecution of Governor Barchok over corruption may set a precedent for high profile arrests

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By Anderson Ojwang

President William Ruto could be setting a precedent in the fight against corruption, and it could be a matter of time that several governors, his allies may be charged in court over corruption allegations.

Ruto could be preparing to use the anti-corruption crusade in the country as one of his campaign platforms during the 2027 presidential election campaign.

This can be affirmed by recent events where he accused the parliament and senate over corruptions and demand of bribes from the executives.

Similarly, Ruto also recently formed a new multiagency  to the fight against corruption and economic crimes in the country.

In a recent presidential proclamation issued, Ruto said the Multi-Agency Team on War Against Corruption (MAT) will boost coordination in investigations, prosecutions, financial intelligence, and asset recovery.

The team brought together 10 state agencies, including the National Intelligence Service (NIS), Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP), Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI), Financial Reporting Centre (FRC), Asset Recovery Agency (ARA), Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), Central Bank of Kenya (CBK), and the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA).

And the directive by the Director of Public Prosecution to prosecute Bomet governor Prof Hillary Barchok, a key ally of President Ruto and the first high profile leader from his community over alleged abuse of office, conflict of interest and money laundering is telling and a warning to the governors that the axe may soon fall on them.

By allowing prosecution of Barchok, Ruto is affirming his statement that the time for scared cows is over, and no phone calls will derail prosecution.

The ODPP directed that Barchok be charged with conflict of interest after he received Ksh2,750,500 from companies that traded with the county between the financial years 2019/2020 and 2024/2025.

Also to be charged together with governor is the Director of Chemasus Construction Limited, Evans Kipkoech Kori.

The Director of Public Prosecutions, Renson Ingonga, also directed that files on Kiambu Governor Kimani Wamatangi and Marsabit Governor Mohammed Mahamud Ali be submitted to the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) for further probe for corruption allegations.

Additionally, the DPP has ordered the prosecution of former Bungoma Governor Wycliff Wangamati on corruption charges.

During the Devolution conference and Kenya Kwanza and ODM Parliamentary group meeting, Ruto declared a clump down on corruption.

He claimed the legislature was breeding corruption by demanding bribes from cabinet secretaries and governors.

“I have made it absolutely clear to the chair of the Anti-corruption commission and to the CEO that there will be no sacred cows and there will be no telephone calls anywhere below or above to stop anybody from being prosecuted for matters of corruption,” he said

Ruto accused the parliament to be breeding and call for an end to the vice where the bicameral parliament have turned the house committees into money minting rings and ignoring their oversight responsibilities.

“There is something going on in our legislature that we must call out. There is money being demanded from the executives and governors, from ministers, and from people in the executives especially for those who go for accountability before our house committees in the parliament.

It cannot continue to be business as usual, it is not possible that committees of parliament demand to be bribed and paid for them to write report or to look the other way for what is happening in the national government or the county government.

Somebody who has stolen public funds and then goes to court and then gets anticipatory bail. This makes it impossible for such a person to be arrested and prosecuted,” he said.

“What is the job of chair of welfare in the committees? What is the job? Extortion and that is what is the prime minister Raila Odinga was saying. You know what is Soko uhuru. Tell me. You know Soko uhuru?

Let me ask you for example members of the parliament seated here, do you for example know that a few members of your committee collected sh 10 m so that could pass the law on anti-money laundering. Did you get  the money? So going forward, there are people who are destroying credibility of parliament, and they are collecting money in the name of parliament.

And some of the time that money never gets to parliament, but it gets to a few people. We are not going to a shame them but we are going to arrest them. Do we agree?

Soon after Ruto’s stand on corruption, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) revealed that in  the past eight months, it has completed 89 cases, forwarding 82 of them to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions for action.

The Chief Executive officer (CEO) Mr. Abdi Ahmed Mohamud said investigations were underway, among them cases involving five sitting and 11 former governors facing allegations of embezzlement of public funds, money laundering, and unexplained wealth.

“Four of the cases involve current and former County Governors; two former Cabinet Secretaries, a Principal Secretary and CEOs and MDs of various State Corporations.

“Over the past eight months, the Commission has completed eighty-nine (89) high-profile cases. These investigation files have been submitted to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP), with recommendations to prosecute eighty-two (82) of the cases.

In addition, the Commission is at an advanced stage of investigating five sitting Governors, 11 former Governors. These investigations relate to allegations of embezzlement of public funds, conflict of interest, money laundering, and possession of unexplained wealth, among other offenses under the Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act.

In the counties, the Commission is pursuing cases worth Ksh1.6 billion involving over 800 officials linked to irregular payrolls, allowances, and loan embezzlement.

This year, the commission has recovered 12 properties corruptly acquired, valued at approximately Ksh 600M and over Ksh105M in cash.

Further, it has averted the possible loss of Ksh7.2 B through proactive investigations,” he said.

Grants Down the Drain. What an Expensive Experiment

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By Billy Mijungu

Government’s plan to hand out grants to two hundred thousand youth, each receiving fifty thousand shillings, is nothing but a costly gamble that fails the test of sustainability. Ten billion shillings is not a small amount by any measure, yet the structure of this program raises more questions than answers. At the end of the day, the country risks losing all of it without a single meaningful return.

The promise of transforming the lives of young people through grants sounds noble at first glance, but on closer look it is deeply flawed. Ten billion shillings could easily build between ten and fifteen industries, each capable of employing thousands of Kenyans directly and even more indirectly.

Farmers who provide raw materials to factories would find reliable markets, transporters would have more goods to move, suppliers would thrive, and distributors would keep entire networks running. This kind of ripple effect could support over half a million youth on a permanent basis, with potential for expansion as industries grow. A one-time grant to a select few cannot match such long-term impact.

Experience already shows us the pitfalls of free grants. Many beneficiaries lack the training, networks, mentorship, and market support to sustain businesses. Money alone does not make an entrepreneur. It takes structures, discipline, and an enabling environment. Without these fundamentals, the ten billion will scatter into small experiments that collapse before they take root. The government is effectively placing a huge bet on the hope that two hundred thousand small businesses will succeed on their own, yet history tells us most will fail within months.

What makes matters worse is the lack of transparency. We are not told how the recipients will be selected, what criteria will be used, or how monitoring will be done. In a country where public funds often disappear before reaching the ground, this plan risks becoming yet another scandal in the making. We may never even know if the targeted young people received the money at all. There is a sense of futility here, a sense that resources are being poured out for the sake of optics rather than measurable results.

Bankruptcy of ideas best describes this approach. When leadership cannot design policies that generate value, they fall back on handouts disguised as empowerment. Yet empowerment is not a onetime transfer of cash. It is the creation of systems that allow young people to thrive on their own merit. It is the patient investment in industries, skills, infrastructure, and markets that unlock opportunities at scale. If the intention truly is to empower, then let us invest in factories, in agriculture value chains, in digital hubs, in energy projects, in transport solutions, and in creative industries that can absorb the talent and energy of millions.

If we follow the government’s logic, then why stop at two hundred thousand youth. Kenya has at least fifteen million young people. If the answer is a cash handout of fifty thousand shillings each, then let everyone have it. At least then there would be equality in waste. But in truth, what the youth deserve is not a onetime consolation prize. They deserve to be given tools to work, space to innovate, and opportunities to earn a decent living. Ten billion shillings, if applied strategically, could have been the seed that germinates into entire sectors of the economy. Instead, it is being thrown into the wind.

This is not just about grants. It is about vision. A country that thinks of its youth as a burden to be appeased with handouts will forever remain trapped in poverty. A country that sees its youth as the engine of production will rise to prosperity. Ten billion shillings is a heavy price to pay for a failed experiment.

Governor Barchok and Wagamati to be charged in court over corruption

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By Hope Barbra
A sitting governor, former governor, chief officers and directors of various companies will be charged in court over allegations of corruption, abuse of office and conflict of interest.

Office of the Director of public Prosecution, said Bomet Governor Hillary Barchok, Former Bungoma Governor Wycliffe Wagamati and several government officers and directors of companies should be charged in court.

The Director Renson Igonga said Barchok should be charged with RECEIPT OF KSHS. 2,750,500 FROM COMPANIES THAT TRADED WITH THE SAID county BETWEEN THE FINANCIAL YEARS 2019/2020 AND 2024/2025.

He wrote “On 18th July 2025, the ODPP received an inquiry file from the EACC accompanied by a report under section 35 of the Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Act, Cap 65 Laws of Kenya.

The EACC recommended that the following Persons be arraigned in court are Hillary Kipng’eno Barchok, the Governor County Government of Bomet, and Evans Kipkoech Korir (E2), Director of Chemasus Construction Limited.

The EACC proposed the following charges against the aforementioned persons; Conflict of interest contrary to section 42(3) as read with sections 48 of ACECA.

Money Laundering contrary to section 3(b) as read with section 16(1) of Proceeds of Crime and Anti-money Laundering Act.

Acquisition of proceeds of crimes contrary to section 4 as read with section 16 of Proceeds of Crime and Anti-money Laundering Act
Unlawful acquisition of public Property contrary to section a5 (1) (a) as read with section 48 of ACECA.

For Wagamati the ODDP preferred charges over allegation of embezzlement of shs 70.205 882 public funds through private companies.

Also listed to be charged in court include: Michael Wangamati, 2. Nicholas Wangamati 3. Edward Barasa Wangamati 4. Nabwala construction ltd: acquisition of proceeds of crime contrary to section 4(a) as read with section 16 (1) of the proceeds of crime and anti-money laundering act, cap 59a.

Edward Maaya Makhanu 2. Sandra Soita Nasambu 3. Valeria construction limited 4. Wakoli Chesititi: fraudulent practice in a procurement proceeding contrary to section 66 as read with section 777 of the public procurement and asset disposal
Bramwel Wafula 2. Edward Maaya Makhanu 3. Mundesi contractors 4. Wakoli Chesititi; fraudulent practice in a procurement proceeding contrary to section 66 as read with section 177 of the public procurement and asset disposal act,2015.

Betika announces Sh42M sponsorship to CECAFA

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By PHILLIP ORWA

Kenya’s leading sports betting and entertainment company, Betika, has announced a landmark Sh42 million sponsorship deal with the Council of East and Central Africa Football Associations (CECAFA), as the Official Sponsor for the upcoming 2025 CECAFA Kagame Cup.

Betika-sponsored Kenya Police FC will represent Kenya, while Singida Black Stars will do so for the host nation, Tanzania. Last year’s finalists and three-time winners APR will fly the flag for Rwanda. Vipers SC (Uganda), El Merriekh SC Bentiu (South Sudan), Mlandege SC (Zanzibar), Flambeau du Centre (Burundi), Garde Cotes FC (Djibouti), Ethiopian Coffee SC (Ethiopia), Al Hilal Omdurman (Sudan), and Alahly SC Wad Madani (Sudan) will make up the other teams for the tournament.

The regional inter-club competition is scheduled to take place from 2nd September to 15th September in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, as 12 teams from within the region battle for glory.

“Football is more than a game, it’s a powerful force that unites communities and sparks passion across borders. But our vision goes beyond one team. We are proud that Betika will also be represented in Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Uganda, and our local teams will be on the ground throughout the tournament to ensure players, clubs, and fans feel our full support.

This sponsorship is not just about funding football; it’s about investing in people, building connections across nations, and giving the region’s immense talent a platform to shine. Our commitment is to provide the resources, visibility, and experiences that will make this Kagame Cup the most memorable yet,” said Mutua Mutava, Betika Group CEO.

CECAFA Vice President Paulos Weldehaimanot Andemariam said:
“We are pleased to enter a partnership with Betika. With them as the official sponsor, we are taking this great tournament into a new era. This partnership reflects the power of collaboration between football and the private sector, and it demonstrates the confidence that a leading brand has in the value and potential of CECAFA competitions.”

The Kagame Cup, named in honour of H.E. Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda and a long-time patron of the tournament, has grown into a premier football event in East and Central Africa. Beyond the fierce on-pitch competition, the tournament embodies sports diplomacy, cultural exchange, and regional unity through the love of football.

Kenyans need a discussion on the number of counties, says a director of KEMSA

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By Habil Onyango

The establishment of the 47 county governments in Kenya has brought several issues to light, including concerns over corruption and ethnic biases in employment.

Some prominent leaders, including the former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, who played key roles in the creation of Kenya’s new constitution—establishing these devolved units—are now advocating for a reduction in their number.

They argue that having so many counties contributes to corrupt practices within the devolved system.
However, reducing their number could potentially undermine the service delivery successes that these counties have achieved.

Odinga has proposed a three-tier governance system comprising National, Regional, and County levels.

“The time has come for the country to re-examine the whole issue of devolution,” Odinga stated during the Katiba at 15 national celebrations on 27 August.

He pointed out, “In my view, Kenya is too small for 47 devolved units; we have just five counties compared to the vast number in the United States.”

FCPA Hezborn Omollo has pointed out that while Kenya’s 47 counties were designed to bring the government closer to the people, two decades later, the system appears to be strained.

He remarked that Kenyans have not received the adequate services that were intended with devolution.

“We are neither witnessing smooth delivery of services nor the grassroots development envisioned by devolution,” he noted.

Omollo highlighted the prevalence of bloated staffing rosters and increasing wage bills, often attributed to the notion that counties are “too small.”

He stressed that the core challenge facing devolution is not geographical but rather one of governance.

“County assemblies and executives have routinely failed to translate budgets into tangible outcomes,” he explained.

According to Omollo, Auditor-General reports indicate a troubling trend: funds are allocated, contracts are awarded, yet performance targets are frequently missed.

“When a constituency is genuinely underserved, the instinct should not be to redraw boundaries but to hold leaders accountable for unrealistic staffing levels and ineffective service plans,” he asserted.

He said that managing 47 semi-autonomous administrations incurs significant overhead costs.

“It is essential to implement caps on wage bills at 35 per cent, linking them to performance metrics, while also capping operational costs,” he said.

He said that counties that cannot justify their payroll should not be allowed to increase it, nor should they be permitted to sit on unspent or misallocated funds.

Further, Omollo revealed that rethinking boundaries as a catch-all solution risks diverting attention from the critical issue of leadership quality.

He said that instead of debating whether Kenyans need fewer or more counties, they must demand transparent budgeting, credible development plans, and prompt consequences for those who fail to perform.

He said that civil society, the media, and citizens must heighten scrutiny, from cash-flow dashboards to town hall scorecards.

“If 47 counties are unable to sustainably provide basic health services, roads, and water projects, it is not the number of counties that is the problem, but rather the absence of strong civic pressure,” he said.

“Devolution was never intended to shield mismanagement; it was designed to empower communities,” added the FCPA.

“It is time to remind our leaders of this promise and demand that they either fulfil their responsibilities or step aside,” said Omollo.

Who will blink first? Governor Wanga or former speaker Gaya over 2027 elections

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By Habil Onyango

The fallout between Homa Bay Governor Gladys Wanga and her key ally, former Speaker and political adviser Julius Gaya, has sparked a political storm in the county.

While Gaya has gained support from greater Rachuonyo and parts of the county over his criticism of the Governor for failing to deliver on her campaign pledge, a section of Members of County Assembly have accused Gaya of bitterness and witch-hunt.

Gaya, at the weekend, apologised to the electorate for having lied to them during the campaigns and said the county government has failed to deliver on the development agenda.

“I am sorry that we lied to you to vote us. You elected Governor Wanga and as an insider I can confirm we have no development projects to show for it.

It is sad that the immediate Governor Cyprian Awiti performed better than the current one.

It is time we say the truth and rescue the county from the collapse. We have no development to show for the over Sh13 billion disbursed to the county,” he said.

But Assembly Majority Leader Richard Ogindo dismissed Gaya’s claims, saying he should be the last person to criticise Wanga’s government because the Governor prevailed on the MCAs to elect him even when he didn’t qualify.

During a recent funeral service in the Karachuonyo Constituency, Gaya expressed his disappointment with Governor Wanga’s administration and apologised to residents for convincing them to support her in the last general elections.

He stated, “Through my influence, you accepted and voted for Wanga as the next governor. However, I want to apologise for misleading you; she has completely failed to honour the promises she made during the campaigns.”

Gaya further asked for forgiveness, noting, “We made a mistake by electing Wanga as governor. We should not have elected a ‘young lady’ to lead us. There will come a time when we will decide what to do in the 2027 general elections.”

The Rachuonyo region comprises the constituencies of Karachuonyo, Kasipul, and Kabondo Kasipul.

But Ogindo described Gaya’s comments as “reckless” and “baseless.”

Ogindo pointed out that Gaya has benefited politically under Wanga’s leadership, having served as the Assembly Speaker before resigning.

He criticised Gaya for belittling the governor by referring to her as a “young lady,” stating, “The young lady gave you an opportunity to serve as the Assembly Speaker and later as her political adviser.”

After stepping down from the Speaker position, Gaya was appointed as the governor’s political adviser, a position he ultimately left.
“Let us respect women in leadership. Some people are trying to belittle her, failing to recognise the development she has brought to the people of Homa Bay,” Ogindo said.

He also noted that Gaya has no standing to dictate directions for the people of Karachuonyo in the upcoming elections. Ogindo reminded Gaya that the very governor he is criticising is the same person who allowed him to serve as Speaker after Gaya failed to produce his academic credentials for nomination to the County Executive Committee for the Trade position.

George Maigo, the ODM Karachuonyo branch chairman, condemned Gaya’s remarks about Wanga’s performance as unfortunate.
He emphasised that the accomplishments of Wanga’s administration over the past three years cannot be equated with the ten years of the previous regime led by Governor Cyprian Awiti, during which Gaya served as an MCA.

“I urge Gaya to refrain from making comments that portray the people of Karachuonyo as opposing Wanga’s leadership. Wanga was elected by the people, and her administration is for the people, by the people, and centred on their needs,” Maigo stated.
He dismissed Gaya as a spokesperson for Karachuonyo, calling him just a voter like any other resident of the region.

MCA Colela Obuya from Wang’chieng cautioned Gaya to stop disparaging the governor by referring to her as a “young lady,” reminding him that there are other leaders in significant positions who are younger than Wanga, such as Embakasi MP Babu Owino, who is eyeing the Nairobi gubernatorial position, and ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna.

“We will not allow anyone to intimidate the governor simply because she is a woman. We, the people of Karachuonyo, will continue to support her and are grateful for the projects she has initiated in our wards,” Obuya declared.

Both Maigo and Obuya spoke during the Karachuonyo ODM leaders’ monthly meeting in Kibiri Ward, warning that no one from the region has the authority to direct voters ahead of the 2027 general elections except the party.

In response, Gaya warned those criticising him, stating on his Facebook account, “I have not yet started the war with the governor, yet you all are making noise.”

Governor Wanga has previously defended her record of development and appointments to the people of Karachuonyo, who she claims voted for her in a landslide victory.
She noted that nearly half of the county appointments have gone to individuals from Karachuonyo, including her deputy, Oyugi Magwanga, who also serves as the Agriculture Chief Executive Committee Member (CECM).
Other appointees from the region include CECMs Joash Aloo (Trade), Dannish Onyango (Roads), Solomon Obiero (Finance), Elijah Munga (Sports), and the Speaker of the County Assembly, Polycap Okombo, among others.

There’s Nothing Wrong with Listing Parastatals

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Junior Secondary Schools

By Billy Mijungu

Let us be fair, while we could raise money locally by listing Kenya Railways and using it to develop more commuter rails within the city and to other satellite towns, we are not. My imagination is the National Boda Boda Sacco raising funds to buy into the rail business, and so should the Matatu Saccos that move millions of Kenyans daily. When transaction advisors structure such listings, they must create categories that allow participation from local sectors so that ordinary Kenyans and their enterprises are not locked out of owning a piece of national infrastructure. This is how wealth is spread and patriotism in development is strengthened.

Kenya Pipeline is another example. We could list it, raise money, and fast track the expansion of the oil pipeline to service the LAPSSET corridor. The project would link us better to Ethiopia and South Sudan while enhancing our position as a regional hub. Yet we hold back, keeping assets that can develop themselves idle and dependent on government allocations. Why are we afraid? Why can we not be transparent in these transactions? Every time we have opened up parastatals through the capital markets, the stories have been nothing short of successful. KenGen, Kenya Re, Safaricom; these listings remain some of the brightest jewels in the Nairobi Securities Exchange. They elevated our bourse into one of the most attractive in Africa and drew in foreign direct investment that went beyond paper wealth to create jobs, innovation, and infrastructure.

If we were bold enough, we could sell even 10% more of Safaricom and raise substantial capital to finance the next phase of development. That money could fast track Konza Technopolis into becoming a global smart city rather than a project that lingers for decades. The truth is that our parastatals hold untapped capital sitting idle in government books. If unlocked through the market, this capital can build the country faster, while still maintaining state oversight and national interest.

But one rule must be followed religiously: the proceeds of these sales should go directly into the development of the same sector. If Kenya Railways sells shares, the money must build more railways and modernize stations. If Kenya Pipeline lists, the proceeds must extend our oil distribution network. If Safaricom is partly offloaded, the capital must build our ICT backbone, digital hubs, and research centres. What must never happen is for this money to vanish into debt repayment or to be swallowed by recurrent expenditure. That would defeat the whole purpose and leave us in a worse position with nothing left to sell. Strategic reinvestment is the safeguard of our national assets and the guarantee of future growth.

This is how countries grow their capital markets. This is how citizens begin to feel ownership of their national corporations. When Kenyans own a stake in Kenya Railways, when Boda Boda and Matatu Saccos own a stake in transport infrastructure, they protect it, they use it, and they hold it accountable. When farmers buy into Kenya Pipeline, they demand efficiency because they too benefit from its success. It ceases to be the government’s company and becomes the people’s company, a collective pride that inspires discipline in management.

We should not fear privatization through the stock market. It is not selling off the family silver; it is sharpening it to ensure it serves us longer and better. The government’s responsibility is simple: to make sure it is Kenyans buying these shares. That way wealth remains at home, opportunities circulate among us, and future generations inherit institutions that are vibrant, competitive, and globally relevant.

Listing parastatals is not just about raising money. It is about creating a culture of shared prosperity, transparency, and economic participation. The faster we embrace this, the quicker we shall move into the future with confidence, knowing our assets are not only safe but thriving under the collective stewardship of the people

Litmus Test: Why numbers factor in choosing Presidential Candidate may undermine the Opposition Alliance

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By Anderson Ojwang

The numbers factor or shareholding may come to haunt the newly formed united opposition alliance in the choice of a presidential candidate to face off with President William Ruto in the 2027 presidential contest.

The alliance that brings together the impeached deputy president Rigathi Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, Eugene Wamalwa, Fred Matiangi and Martha Karua may find itself in a similar situation found himself with his former deputy.

During Tuesday night interview with Citizens TV Gachugua could have opened the lid to a stormy and thorny issue of numbers each of the presidential aspirants’ control and why he should be considered as the flag bearer.

After his impeachment, Gachagua retreated to Mt Kenya to consolidate the vote bock and now control the region’s politics through his DCP party while Karua plays second fiddle in the control of the region’s political dispensation.

In the last presidential election, in Kirinyaga Karua whose was running mate to Azimio La Umoja Presidential candidate Raila Odinga only delivered 14 percent of the votes despite the county being her backyard. Gachagua delivered 84.08 percent to Ruto accounting for 220.752 against Raila’s 37,978 votes.

In 2007, when Kalonzo contested for presidency on ODM-K ticke and came third after he secured over 800,000 votes countrywide. His votes in Ukambani accounted for 80 per cent of his total tally, trouncing his competitors, ODM leader Raila and the then president, Mwai Kibaki.

Wamalwa is currently engaged in war over the control of his DAP-K party with the Trans Nzoia governor George Natembeya and this has clouded his political agenda. Equally, Wamalwa controls no specific vote bloc in Western Kenya and nationally, this making him a fringe presidential aspirant in the alliance.

Gachagua during the interview explained why he was the best suited candidate and why the opposition should unite and present a single candidate.

“I am interested in running for presidency. I am a candidate to be the president of Kenya. I am qualified and I have support. I am looking for more support and I will be in the ballot.

The constitution guarantees me the right to vie for any office even if I have been convicted. I have not exhausted the avenues available in law. Rigathi Gachagua  has a matter before the High Court. It has not even been heard. I will go up to Supreme Court to get justice until then nothing stops me from contesting. I remain free to run for any office as provided in the law.

Kalonzo has capacity to lead the country, so it is for Karua, Matiangi and Wamalwa but I hope they will support me.

We have agreed that along the way all the contenders will agree on the one of us who will be our flag bearer.

I pray and hope thar I will be one. Because I have the drive and the strategies and numbers. Knowing William Ruto, I know him well and I am the best suited person to take him home.

Unity is a must, and we have no choice but to choose one candidate to face William Ruto. All of us have committed and I will be persuading my colleagues that we publicly sign a pact with people of Kenya committing that all of us will support whoever is picked and none will rebel. We will have one candidate, and I believe that the candidate will be me,” he said.

But Gachagua will have to contend with the ghost of shareholding and the number factor to convince his colleagues that he is a nationalist and not a tribalist.

Interestingly, Gachagua fall out with Ruto could have been as a result of the number of votes he delivered to Ruto and the unwritten agreement of 40 percent stake in the Kenya Kwanza government.

This left Ruto with only 60 percent to share out to other allies and regions that did not support his presidential bid in the 2022 presidential election.

The move by Gachagua on the numbers factor could scuttle the united opposition agenda after he declared that he has the numbers and should be considered as the presidential candidate.

“What was agreed on must be fulfilled. We made an agreement that we are investing in this government. This is our expectations. It was a negotiated agreement, and it should be honored to the letter.

Other people were not insisting on the honoring of their agreement. I was under pressure from the people I negotiated on their behalf.

William Ruto turned against me and that he did not want to honor on what we had agreed. Luckily for me and it is mistake that I did and I have to live with, I didn’t insist on a written agreement.

I negotiated for positions, developments, roads, coffee and tea reforms, guaranteed minimum returns for the counties in Kenya.

He came to me because he wanted votes from my region, it was a give and take situation. He asked me, Rigathi I want 75 percent of votes from this region, can you deliver, I said yes and delivered 87 percent. I told him that I expect the following, ministries namely Interior, Finance, trade, Agriculture, Water, Lands and Attorney General.

For me and Ruto, where we started having problem, is when he started taking away what we had negotiated. He took away Finance and gave it to John Mbadi,” he said.

Already Raila has declared that the coalition between him and Ruto will go beyond 2027 and that the electorates will make decision at the ballot.

JUKWAA LA USALAMA: CS KIPCHUMBA MURKOMEN’S GAME CHANGER IN KENYA’S PEACEBUILDING AND SECURITY STRATEGY

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By Remmy Butia

Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen has introduced a pioneering platform known as Jukwaa la Usalama (Security Forum), a bold initiative that is transforming Kenya’s approach to peacebuilding and national security. This innovative platform is creating unprecedented links between security agencies and grassroots communities, fostering a long-term, inclusive strategy for sustainable peace.

Since assuming office, CS Murkomen has emphasized the importance of integrating community voices into security planning. The Jukwaa la Usalama is designed to serve as a dialogue and collaboration platform where local leaders, youth groups, women organizations, and security personnel converge to discuss security challenges, share intelligence, and co-create solutions tailored to the specific needs of Kenya’s diverse regions.

Bridging the Gap Between Security Agencies and Communities

Historically, gaps have existed between formal security institutions and ordinary Kenyans, especially in marginalized areas prone to conflicts and insecurity. This disconnect often led to mistrust and inefficient responses to emerging threats.

Through Jukwaa la Usalama, CS Murkomen has strategically bridged this gap by promoting direct engagement and accountability. The platform allows citizens to report concerns in real time, provides a space for community policing initiatives to thrive, and ensures that security responses incorporate on-the-ground realities as narrated by locals themselves.

A Long-Term Vision for Peace and Security

The forum’s strength lies not only in immediate conflict resolution but in nurturing sustainable peace. Murkomen’s vision is to cultivate a bottom-up approach where security policies are informed by community insights, thereby addressing root causes of insecurity such as land disputes, youth unemployment, and ethnic tensions.

Experts and local leaders commend this approach, noting that it creates ownership of peacebuilding efforts among communities. By involving grassroots members in shaping security strategies, Kenya moves toward a holistic and inclusive security model that promises greater resilience against threats such as terrorism, intercommunal violence, and criminal networks.

Early Successes and National Impact

Since its rollout, Jukwaa la Usalama has already yielded positive outcomes in several counties. Notably, in northern and eastern regions, community-led security dialogues facilitated by the forum have led to ceasefire agreements between clans and boosted cooperation with security forces.

Additionally, heightened community vigilance and shared responsibility have seen a marked decline in petty crimes and early detection of extremist activities. The Ministry of Interior credits the forum for enhancing trust between citizens and police, which is critical for effective law enforcement.

Looking Ahead

CS Kipchumba Murkomen is set to scale up Jukwaa la Usalama by expanding its reach nationwide, leveraging mobile platforms, and providing training to grassroots facilitators. The ultimate goal is to institutionalize the forum as a permanent fixture in Kenya’s security architecture.

As Kenya confronts evolving security challenges, Jukwaa la Usalama stands out as a model of participatory governance and peacebuilding – one where the voices of ordinary Kenyans take center stage in safeguarding the nation’s future.

My plan is to create avenues that foster employment for the youth – Aspirant Ogada

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By Habil Onyango

As the race for the Kasipul by-election heats up, philanthropist Newton Ogada has pledged to create opportunities that enhance employment for young people.

Ogada stated that he will collaborate with security agencies and the community to ensure a safe environment, as well as to promote economic initiatives that will bring relief and prosperity to the people of Kasipul.

In a post following an online meeting with Gen-Z participants on Monday, Ogada described the conversation as an eye-opening dialogue that highlighted some of the pressing issues affecting local youth.

“I had the privilege of engaging with the Gen-Z community of Kasipul. This was not just an ordinary conversation; it was an enlightening dialogue that brought to light the key challenges facing our young people today,” he noted.

“During their discussion, several significant concerns emerged, including the rising challenge of unemployment, which has left many young individuals without meaningful opportunities,” said Ogada.

According to the aspirant, insecurity continues to threaten the peace and stability of their communities, while the ongoing economic crisis places immense pressure on households, making life difficult for many families.

“I believe that through partnership, innovation, and dedication, we can transform these challenges into opportunities for growth and transformation,” Ogada emphasized.

He continued, “The ideas, energy, and resilience of the young generation inspire me greatly, and I remain committed to building a Kasipul where every youth has the chance to thrive, contribute, and succeed.

I empathize deeply with these challenges and recognize the urgency with which they must be addressed.”

The Kasipul constituency seat became vacant following the tragic death of former MP Ong’ondo Were, who was brutally murdered by assailants.

Ogada will compete for the ODM ticket in planned party primaries against businessman Philip Aroko, Boyd Were (the son of the former legislator), Money Bior, Daniel Okendo Majiwa, Samwel Owida, Robert Ouko, and others.

The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission has scheduled the by-election for November 27 this year.
The Commission has already appointed Returning and Deputy Returning Officers to oversee the process.

“Our youth represent the backbone and future of Kasipul, and it is our collective responsibility to ensure they are not left behind,” Ogada stated.

“I am committed to working closely with the Gen-Z community and other stakeholders to find sustainable solutions.” He said.