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Pressure mounts on Junet as Nyamita demands he resigns over the bungled 2022 presidential campaigns

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By Anderson Ojwang

The pressure is mounting on the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) Director of Elections, Junet Mohammed, to resign over the alleged bungling of the late Raila Odinga’s 2022 presidential campaigns.

Uriri MP Mark Nyamita wants Junet to resign as the Director of Elections after he failed to deliver the presidency in the 2022 general elections.

Junet was the Secretary General of the Azimio La Umoja Coalition in the 2022 general elections and was charged with handling the secretariat.

“I told Junet that in a mature democracy, when you are the director of campaigns and director of elections and you fail in that election, the honourable thing to do is to resign,” he said.

Nyamita blamed Junet for bungling Raila’s 2022 presidential bid and said he should never be allowed to dictate and control community politics.

“Donge ngani ema okethonwa gigi kod gimiel moko matindo tindo (He is the one who bungled the elections with petty dance). We are in pain as a people. Wan gi rem kaka oganda (we are in pain as a community). Kendo koro sani odwa pango wango (Now he wants to plan us as a community). Nyasaye achiel wangni wabiro deal kodi (One God, we will deal with you this time).”

Last Saturday, ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna accused Junet of bungling the 2022 presidential campaigns and of alleged misappropriation of agents’ fees meant for Central Kenya.

“You were eating Uhuru’s money instead of paying agents and allowed Wamunyoro (Rigathi Gachagua and President William Ruto) to defeat us.

The day we start the audit of the 2022 elections, it is good that you have started the debate. Let everyone say their contributions in the 2022 general elections.

I want to ask Junet Mohammed, when did Uhuru Kenyatta’s money start to be bad? Those days you used to take Uhuru’s money, some you did not bring to the party, and some you squandered,”he said.

Similarly, the Azimio La Umoja Volunteer Board, through one of its members, Ronny Raburo, accused Junet of shedding crocodile tears after failing to address the Central Kenya agents’ issue.

Raburo, who met the late Raila at breakfast ahead of the elections over the emerging presidential agents’ issue in Central Kenya, said the former Prime Minister tasked Junet to urgently handle the matter.

Ronny Raburo said that despite addressing the agents’ issue with Raila at a breakfast meeting and detailing Junet to urgently handle the matter, the latter went mute.

He said that two days to the eve of polling day, while attending the last agents’ training at the Kenya School of Law in Karen, they were informed from the ground that there was not a single agent in all the Central Province polling stations for IEBC briefing, and they sensed trouble.

“Raila called Junet and told him to handle our issue as a matter of urgency. We went downstairs with Junet to meet Julie Nabweara and Jackie (members of the volunteer board) after our briefing on the situation in Central Kenya.

Junet gave me his number to call him later in the day to meet him at the Kenya School of Law, Karen. Junet is yet to receive my calls to date,”he wrote.

Junet denied the allegations and instead accused former President Uhuru Kenyatta of releasing the agents’ funds to his brother and not to the secretariat.

“The answer is simple, clear and verifiable: former President Uhuru Kenyatta released the funds meant for election agents to his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta,” he said.

Junet said Muhoho Kenyatta, whom he claimed appointed one Mr Patrick Mburu, took charge of the recruitment and payment of agents.

“Mr Mburu presented himself as an IT expert, claiming he had the capacity to detect and prevent any manipulation of results by the IEBC.”

Junet claimed that around the time, Muhoho Kenyatta operated from an office in Westlands that was so restricted that even Raila Odinga, the party’s presidential candidate, could not access it freely.

“It is from this office — out of bounds for nearly all of us — that they claimed to handle the agents’ payments and other logistics. These are facts, not conjecture. I challenge Uhuru Kenyatta and Muhoho Kenyatta to publicly deny these facts,” he said.

Will Junet brave the post-Raila Odinga politics to remain at the helm of the party and oversee the party nominations?

ODM’s Loudest Should Ride on Sifuna and Babu to Strengthen the Party

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By Billy Mijungu

The ODM fraternity is demanding newness, freshness, and youthfulness. Yet, the cartels of the Baba era believe they are stronger without them. This contradiction sits at the heart of ODM’s current crisis.

Public spats over whether Baba lost or won, whether the election was rigged or fair, serve no constructive purpose. Instead, they aid the very forces ODM claims it wants out. These fights are driven not by popularity or merit, but by jealousy, insecurity, and fear of political renewal.

Rather than consolidating and strengthening itself, ODM appears to be walking down a winding road of arrogance and self-deception. There is a dangerous belief that the party will win simply because it has always won. Politics does not work that way anymore. Times change, voters evolve, and parties that fail to adapt eventually decline.

UDA is already positioning itself to dominate ODM strongholds like never before. The Deputy President slot will firmly remain with UDA, and unless ODM rethinks its strategy, it risks being buried politically by 2032.

ODM does not need to rush into formal partnerships with either the ruling party or the opposition. What it needs most at this moment is internal strength, clarity of purpose, and disciplined renewal. One key advantage ODM still has is the absence of open conflict at the apex of the party. That stability should be protected, not destroyed by endless internal sabotage.

The party must deliberately elevate credible, vocal, and youthful leaders such as Edwin Sifuna and Babu Owino. These are leaders who resonate with the current political moment, speak the language of a younger electorate, and can carry ODM’s message beyond nostalgia. Silencing or sidelining them only weakens the party further.

Raila Odinga’s enduring legacy can only be ODM. If the party fails to renew itself, it risks dying the way Ford Kenya did: remembered for its past glory but irrelevant in the present. ODM must choose whether it wants to be a living movement or a historical reference.

Kenya deserves a strong partys, and ODM must decide whether it still wants to be that force.

Raila’s Central Apex Team that nipped the Canaan dream, as dark secrets laid bare ahead of his first posthumous birthday

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By Anderson Ojwang

In Central Kenya, where the late Raila Amolo Odinga was loathed and loved in equal measure, last saturday turned into the cradle of truth on how his 2022 presidential election was bungled by the key men he entrusted to lead the Canaan dream.

On Wednesday, January 7, Raila would have celebrated his 81st birthday, but now his friends and foes are being treated to dark secrets by his trusted key men on how they bungled the election and handed over the presidency to William Ruto and his deputy, the impeached Rigathi Gachagua.

Raila was loved by Mt Kenya in 2002 and was christened Njamba for delivering the presidency to the late Mwai Kibaki and to the region after 24 years in the cold under President Daniel Arap Moi’s rule — a passing cloud that never was.

But after the fallout with the late Kibaki, Raila returned to his old skin — hated and loathed — a scion of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first Vice President, an ally turned foe to the founding father of the nation, the late Jomo Kenyatta, who led the Agikuyu community to an oath that the presidency should not visit the Lake.

At a burial in Murang’a County, attended by Gachagua, a former Ruto ally and a former personal assistant to former President Uhuru Kenyatta, ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna, without mincing his words, laid the blame for Raila’s bungled presidential campaign at the doorstep of Azimio La Umoja Secretary General Junet Mohammed.

Interestingly, the late Raila’s Central team was composed of then President Uhuru Kenyatta, who had declared his support for the former Prime Minister’s presidential bid.

In Uhuru’s team, which formed the cog and apex of Raila’s campaign machinery, were then Interior Cabinet Secretary Dr Fred Matiang’i and then Principal Secretary for Interior Dr Karanja Kibicho.

On Raila’s side in the team was Suna East MP Junet Mohammed, who had wriggled his way in and became the most trusted man. Junet had Raila’s ear, and his word was like law to Raila, never to be broken.

Currently, Matiang’i has recently been made Jubilee Party deputy party leader and its presidential candidate in the 2027 general elections.

Embakasi East MP Babu Owino was the first to claim that Raila was set up and made to believe that he would win the election.

“Raila was designed to fail and he believed he would be made president. He fell into the trap and the agents were not paid in Central Kenya, and that is how we lost the election,” he said after the 2022 elections.

Tough questions

The tough questions that have emerged are why Central Kenya, with a vote of 4,453,106, did not have agents while it was the backyard of President Uhuru and Kibicho.

Ruto won the presidential contest in the region, garnering 2,938,802 votes against Raila’s 847,205 votes.

Where did the Sh500 million earmarked for agents go, and who was it paid to, or who pocketed it? If agents were recruited, who recruited them, and is there a list?

Number of polling stations in Kenya and how that was used to deny Raila victory

In the 2022 general elections, Kenya had 52,481 polling stations, and if Raila’s Central team had procured agents nationally, Raila could have walked into the ballot with 52,481 votes strong, which could have denied Ruto the 50+1 per cent victory and forced a rerun.

Junet said that once Muhoho Kenyatta took charge, “they never procured any agents for Raila Odinga, not in Mt Kenya and not in Luo Nyanza. It was a long con game.”

How Sifuna lit the fire that may consume political careers in the post-Raila political matrix

Sifuna accused Junet of bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s bid by failing to pay presidential agents.

“You were eating Uhuru’s money instead of paying agents and allowed Wamunyoro (Rigathi Gachagua and President William Ruto) to defeat us.

The day we start the audit of the 2022 elections, it is good you have started the debate. Let everyone state their contributions in the 2022 general elections.

I want to ask Junet Mohammed, when did Uhuru Kenyatta’s money start to be bad? Those days you used to take Uhuru’s money, and some you didn’t bring to the party, and some you squandered,”he said.

The Azimio La Umoja volunteer alarm bell that Junet never responded to

The Azimio La Umoja Volunteer Board, through one of its members, Ronny Raburo, said it was wrong for Junet to shed crocodile tears when he failed to address the Central Kenya agents’ issue.

Raburo, who met with the late Raila at breakfast ahead of the elections over the emerging presidential agents’ issue in Central Kenya, said the former Prime Minister tasked Junet to urgently handle the matter.

Ronny Raburo said that despite addressing the agents’ issue with Raila at the breakfast meeting and Raila directing Junet to urgently handle the matter, the latter went mute.

He said that two days to the eve of polling day, while attending the last agents’ training at the Kenya School of Law in Karen, they were informed from the ground that there was not a single agent in all the Central Province polling stations for IEBC briefing, and they sensed trouble.

“Raila called Junet and told him to handle our issue as a matter of urgency. We went downstairs with Junet to meet with Julie Nabweara and Jackie (members of the volunteer board), after our brief on the situation in Central Kenya.

Junet gave me his number to call him later in the day to meet him at the Kenya School of Law, Karen. Junet is yet to receive my calls to date,”he wrote.

The Uhuru factor and the funds

Junet accused Uhuru of releasing the agents’ funds to his brother and not to the secretariat.

“The answer is simple, clear and verifiable: former President Uhuru Kenyatta released the funds meant for election agents to his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta,” he said.

Junet said Muhoho Kenyatta appointed one Mr Patrick Mburu to take charge of the recruitment and payment of agents.

“Mr Mburu presented himself as an IT expert, claiming he had the capacity to detect and prevent any manipulation of results by the IEBC.”

The restricted office

Junet claimed that around the time, Muhoho Kenyatta operated from an office in Westlands that was so restricted that even Raila Odinga, the party’s presidential candidate, could not access it freely.

“It is from this office — out of bounds for nearly all of us — that they claimed to handle the agents’ payments and other logistics. These are facts, not conjecture. I challenge Uhuru Kenyatta and Muhoho Kenyatta to publicly deny these facts,” he said.

“Let the record also be set straight: Hon Raila Odinga would have had no reason whatsoever to appoint me — Hon Junet Mohammed — as the Leader of Minority in the National Assembly if I had truly betrayed him.

For years, I handled all the delicate assignments from our late dear Party Leader with fidelity and diligence,”he said.

He challenged Uhuru, Muhoho and Mburu to come clean on the matter and deny his claims.

The blame game

After the general election, the Azimio La Umoja Coalition dismissed allegations that some members of the secretariat squandered money budgeted for agents in the August 2022 elections.

This was after claims that top officials at the secretariat misused the money, forcing some polling stations to miss out on agents.

Azimio spokesperson Prof Makau Mutua, in a statement at the time, defended Junet, who was on the receiving end of criticism.

Junet had Raila’s ear

Raila’s chief agent in the August 9 elections, Saitabao Kanchory, claimed that ODM listened to only one person — Suna East MP Junet Mohamed.

“We could not have lost this election if it weren’t for three people. The first one is Junet Mohamed, the second is Joe Mucheru and the third is Makau Mutua. These are people I have worked with and respect, but in terms of responsibility, they take the highest responsibility,” he said on NTV.

According to Kanchory, Junet ran a one-man show and the former Prime Minister sided with everything he said, even when he could clearly see it was wrong.

“The only person Baba would listen to without question was Junet. Even if you had the truth and you told Baba, and Junet came with darkness, Baba would side with Junet,” he said.

“Junet Mohamed is one man who purported to know everything, and he nullified everything everyone said and also made sure he kept people who could have helped Baba (Raila) at arm’s length. He ensured nobody came close to Baba who would have helped him.”

ODM MPs want Oburu to convene urgent party organs to contain self-cannibalism in the party

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By Anderson Ojwang

A section of ODM legislators have been alarmed by self-cannibalism in the party and want the party leader, Dr Oburu Odinga, to convene an urgent party meeting to contain the self-destructive situation.

The MPs, led by ODM Vice National Chairman Dr Otiende Amolo, said the wrangles in the party were worrying and a betrayal of the party’s founder and leader, the late Raila Odinga.

They said ODM was the largest party in the country and expressed concern over the spectacle of self-cannibalisation that has been exhibited of late within the party.

“It is testament to how much we miss the wisdom and iconic leadership of our departed Rt Hon Raila Odinga that divisive rhetoric has taken over our politics without restraint,” read the statement.

The statement, signed by Dr Otiende Amolo, Millie Odhiambo (MP Suba North), Tom Odege (MP Nyatike), Catherine Muma (Nominated MP), Dr John Ariko (MP Turkana South), Martin Owino (MP Ndhiwa) and Aduma Owuor (MP Nyakach), called for the convening of party organs to address the situation.

“It is for this reason that we request our party leader, Dr Oburu Odinga, to move with speed, convene the party’s organs and help restore public confidence in the party, before we begin to haemorrhage members to insignificant political formations,” they wrote.

They sounded the alarm that as the party continues on a self-destructive path, some parties were cashing in on the opportunity to endear themselves to the electorate.

“Even as we appear to self-cannibalise, we can’t help but curiously observe that small parties are aggressively and strategically moving to occupy the spaces previously held by our beloved ODM party,” they said.

The reaction comes hot on the heels of an alleged plot by a section of ODM leaders allied to National Chairperson Gladys Wanga and Director of Elections Junet Mohammed to kick out Secretary General Edwin Sifuna from the party.

Sifuna, at the weekend, dismissed any attempts to eject him from the party, saying they lacked the capacity to do so.

Sifuna said the plot to remove him from the party was a result of his opposition to a move by a section of party officials and members to support President William Ruto’s second term.

Senator Ledama Ole Kina asked Sifuna to ship out and wrote on his X handle, “If you want to leave the ODM party, go ahead — no one is stopping you. Don’t wait to be kicked out, because that’s exactly what will happen soon. Enough with empty threats — this noise is getting out of hand.”

Otiende called upon the party’s elected leadership and the wider membership to uphold the tenets of unity and camaraderie espoused by the late Raila Odinga.

“It is time to walk back on the rhetoric and come together to build a strong party ahead of next year’s elections,” they said.

The MPs also urged Junet and Sifuna to stop their public exchanges, saying they were undermining party unity.

“Given the positions of trust bestowed on them, we urge party officials such as Secretary General Senator Edwin Sifuna and National Assembly Minority Leader Junet Mohamed to desist from public verbal slurs and return to the table for internal discussions. We encourage the Party Leader to call for an internal ‘spitting session’ to avoid the ongoing mud-fest,” they said.

Yesterday, a volunteer group asked Junet to stop shedding crocodile tears and instead own up over the issue of presidential agents in Central Kenya.

Recently, Sifuna demanded an audit of the 2022 presidential campaign and accused Junet of misappropriating agents’ money.

The Azimio La Umoja Volunteer Board, through one of its members, Ronny Raburo, wrote, “You know what, we are just too strong watching Junet cry crocodile tears and chest thump…”

Raburo, who met the late Raila Odinga at breakfast ahead of the elections over the emerging issue of presidential agents in Central Kenya, said the former Prime Minister tasked Junet to urgently handle the matter.

Raburo said that two days to the eve of polling day, while attending the last agents’ training at the Kenya School of Law in Karen, they were informed from the ground that there was not a single agent in all the Central Province polling stations for IEBC briefing, and they sensed trouble.

At the breakfast meeting, after detailing Raila on the emerging situation in Central Kenya, he directed Junet to handle the concerns raised by the group.

Raburo had met Raila over concerns that, in the Central region, the presidential candidate did not have agents.

“Raila called Junet and told him to handle our issue as a matter of urgency. We went downstairs with Junet to meet with Julie Nabweara and Jackie (members of the volunteer board), after our brief on the situation in Central Kenya.

Junet gave me his number to call him later in the day to meet him at the Kenya School of Law, Karen. Junet is yet to receive my calls to date,”he wrote.

The group had made a fallback plan just in case Azimio presidential agents fell short in any area, noting that they were ready to send volunteers who were present across the entire country to cover the gaps.

Sifuna lit the fire after accusing the Secretary General of Azimio La Umoja of misappropriating agents’ funds and bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s bid to become the fifth President of Kenya in the August 2022 elections.

Sifuna, speaking at a funeral in Mt Kenya, demanded a thorough audit of the 2022 presidential campaigns.

Equally, Sifuna also accused Junet, who was the Secretary General of the Azimio La Umoja Coalition, of bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s campaign by failing to pay presidential agents.

“The day we will start the audit of the 2022 elections, it is good you have started the debate. Let everyone say their contributions in the 2022 general elections.”

Sifuna accused Junet of derailing Raila’s presidential bid and blamed him for Azimio La Umoja’s failure to form the government.

“Some people feasted on then President Uhuru Kenyatta’s money. I know, as the Secretary General, the huge chunk of money we used in the campaigns came from Uhuru Kenyatta.

You were eating Uhuru’s money instead of paying agents and allowed Wamunyoro (Rigathi Gachagua and President William Ruto) to defeat us.”

Sifuna said Uhuru bankrolled Raila’s campaign and wondered why Junet had now turned against him.

“Uhuru Kenyatta supported Raila’s campaign in all manner. But now there is one man, Junet Mohammed, who has woken up from sleep and realised how Uhuru Kenyatta’s money is now bad.

I want to ask Junet Mohammed, when did Uhuru Kenyatta’s money start to be bad? Those days you used to take Uhuru’s money, and some you didn’t bring to the party, and some you squandered,”he said.

However, Junet denied the accusations and instead placed the blame on former President Uhuru Kenyatta, whom he accused of appointing his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta, to manage the agents.

He said Uhuru released the agents’ funds to his brother and not to the secretariat.

How Mediation Is Transforming Kenya’s Courts and Delivering Faster, Fairer Outcomes

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By James Okoth

For decades, Kenya’s justice system has been burdened by clogged courtrooms, massive case backlogs and long waits for rulings. Yet, a quiet revolution is unfolding, one reshaping the meaning of justice itself.

Through mediation, thousands of disputes that once lingered in court corridors are now being resolved in weeks. This shift, structured under the Court Annexed Mediation (CAM) framework, is rewriting the country’s story of justice: faster, cheaper and more humane.

From Backlogs to Breakthroughs

When the Judiciary institutionalized mediation in 2016 under Article 159 of the Constitution, its goal was to decongest the courts and restore public confidence in the justice system.

The impact has been remarkable. Since inception, over 18,000 cases have been referred to mediation and about 16,770 successfully resolved in an impressive 92 percent success rate, according to official Judiciary data.

Across the country, thousands of litigants are now finding relief without stepping into a courtroom. Cases that would have dragged on for years are being concluded in under three months.

“The average mediation takes between 36 and 73 days,” notes the Judiciary’s Mediation Secretariat, a fraction of the time traditional litigation requires.

Calm Resolve in Kisumu: Grassroots Justice in Action

At the community level, the ripple effects are equally visible.

In Kisumu County, Samson Oloo Ouma, who works with Calm Resolve Hub, a grassroots mediation and conflict resolution centre, says the results speak for themselves.

“Out of 54 cases we’ve handled so far, about 60 percent have been successfully solved through mediation,” Oloo explains. “Most of these involved family disputes, land conflicts and small business disagreements. People are now realizing that not every problem needs to end up in court.”

His decades of experience mirrors the national trend: citizens are increasingly embracing mediation as a faster, friendlier route to justice.

Ouma adds that mediation restores relationships rather than destroying them. “When parties talk, they heal. The process gives ownership of the outcome with no winners or losers, just resolution,” he says.

Decongesting the Courts

The ripple effect of mediation has been transformative.

By diverting thousands of cases away from litigation, the Judiciary has freed judges and magistrates to focus on complex or precedent-setting cases. Court rolls that once overflowed with civil, family and commercial disputes are now noticeably lighter.

Over KSh 52 billion has already been released back into the economy through mediated settlements, according to Chief Justice Martha Koome, who has championed ADR as a cornerstone of judicial reform.

This approach is also expanding geographically. Court-annexed mediation registries are now active in dozens of counties, including Kisumu, Kakamega, Mombasa, Nakuru and Nyeri, ensuring that access to justice is no longer confined to the big cities.

Faster, Cheaper and More Humane

Speed is one thing; human connection is another. Mediation saves money, but also dignity.

Parties agree privately, confidentially and without hostility. There are no winners or losers, only consensus. In family disputes, especially, mediation helps preserve relationships that litigation often destroys.

Advocate Jane Kuke, a practitioner in civil mediation, notes that mediation’s biggest value lies in its human touch. “It respects relationships. It gives people closure, not just a judgment,” she says.

Public Sentiment: Shifting from the Gavel to the Table

Public attitudes toward justice are also shifting.

A Judiciary survey shows that while only about 10 percent of Kenyans with disputes pursue formal litigation, a growing majority of over 70 percent, now turn to mediation, negotiation, or simply seek local reconciliation mechanisms.

Chief Justice Koome has acknowledged this trend, noting that most Kenyans today prefer resolving disputes through Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) because of its affordability and speed.

In communities such as Kisumu, Samson Ouma observes that trust in mediation grows each time it succeeds. “Once people experience how fast it works, they spread the word. Mediation is becoming the new norm of justice,” he says.

Challenges and the Road Ahead

Despite its success, mediation still faces hurdles, from limited public awareness to uneven training of mediators and gaps in regional infrastructure.

Experts warn that for mediation to truly replace litigation as a first option, continuous sensitization, better remuneration for mediators and community education are key.

But even with those challenges, the trajectory is clear: Kenya’s justice system is learning to deliver peace without punishment and justice without delay.

A New Dawn for Justice

The numbers tell a story of progress; the people tell a story of hope.

From the halls of the Supreme Court to the quiet mediation rooms of Kisumu, a revolution in justice is unfolding faster, fairer and firmly grounded in dialogue.

As Samson Ouma’s Calm Resolve Hub shows, when people choose conversation over confrontation, the outcome is not just resolution, but restoration.

The gavel no longer needs to fall for justice to rise.

CHESUMEI’S POLITICAL BATTLEGROUND: 2027 PARLIAMENTARY RACE HEATS UP

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By Remmy Butia

A Constituency in Political Flux

As Kenya gears up for the 2027 general elections, Chesumei Constituency in Nandi County is emerging as one of the most fiercely contested parliamentary battlegrounds. With the current Member of Parliament, Hon. Paul Biego, facing challengers from every ward in the constituency, the political landscape is fragmented and highly competitive.

Kiptuiya Ward: The Legacy Challenger

· Primary Aspirant: Nandi County Assembly Speaker Hon. Philimon Melly enters the race with significant name recognition, potentially benefiting from his performance at the County Assembly. This performance-based appeal may influence Chesumei voters seeking proven leadership.

Kaptel/Kamoiywo Ward: The Local Favorite

· Primary Aspirant: Hon. Basi campaigns with strong local mobilization, encapsulated in the rallying cry “Incoming people’s representative”. This ward-level enthusiasm suggests Basi has cultivated a dedicated support base that could translate into significant votes.

Chemundu/Kapngetuny Ward: Strategic Split

· Aspirants: Former MP Hon. Wilson Kogo and Hon. Bett both vie for this ward’s support.
· Recent Political Shift: The ward recently elected Hon. Vincent Kiplimo as its Member of County Assembly (MCA) through a by-election, making him “the youngest MCA in Kenya at the age of 23”. This youthful leadership at the county level may influence parliamentary preferences, particularly if younger voters seek generational change.

Kosirai Ward: The Poll Leader

· Aspirants: Hon. Chepkesio and Justice Chieftain (Hon. Erick Korir) compete here.
· Notable Advantage: Justice Chieftain emerged as “the most preferred candidate” in a recent online poll for Chesumei Constituency ahead of the 2027 elections. This early indication of voter preference could provide significant momentum, though online polls have limitations in capturing broader electorate sentiment.

Lelmokwo/Ngechek Ward: The Incumbent’s Stronghold

· Aspirant: Hon. Paul Biego, the current MP, represents his home ward.
· Strategic Position: As the incumbent, Biego leverages the advantages of office but faces the challenge of anti-incumbency sentiment. His performance in this ward will be critical to his re-election prospects.

Key Factors Influencing the 2027 Race

  1. Incumbency Advantage and Disadvantage

Hon. Paul Biego benefits from visibility and resource allocation capabilities as the sitting MP. However, he faces the considerable challenge of multiple opponents coordinating to divide the anti-incumbency vote. His record over the current term will undergo intense scrutiny, with challengers likely highlighting unmet promises or development gaps.

  1. The Youth Vote and Generational Shift

The election of 23-year-old Vincent Kiplimo as MCA in Chemundu/Kapngetuny signals a possible generational shift. Younger candidates like Justice Chieftain and Basi may capitalize on this trend, especially if they successfully mobilize first-time voters and those dissatisfied with established political figures.

  1. Party Machinery and Coalition Dynamics

Kenya’s political landscape suggests party support will be crucial. The reference to “deep-state candidates” hints at the behind-the-scenes political engineering that may influence Chesumei’s race, particularly regarding which aspirants receive establishment backing.

  1. Development Record vs. Promises

Candidates will likely emphasize contrasting platforms: incumbents pointing to tangible projects delivered, while challengers highlight areas needing improvement. The reference to performance justification in another race suggests development records will be central to campaign messaging.

Strategic Analysis and Predictions

Potential Runoff Scenario

With multiple strong candidates including the poll-leading Justice Chieftain, the deeply entrenched Hon. Basi in Kaptel/Kamoiywo, former MP Hon Kogo and the incumbent Biego, a first-round outright winner seems unlikely if votes split along ward loyalties. The candidate who can transcend their ward base will have a decisive advantage.

Critical Swing Areas

Chemundu/Kapngetuny Ward, with its two aspirants and recently elected young MCA, may emerge as the deciding battleground. How Wilson Kogo and Bett navigate their competition – whether they split the vote or one emerges dominant – could determine which frontline candidate benefits.

Online Momentum vs. Ground Game

Justice Chieftain’s online poll advantage provides valuable early momentum but must be converted into physical votes through traditional campaigning. In contrast, Hon. Basi’s apparent grassroots strength represents the opposite approach – building from the ground up without necessarily leading in early visibility metrics.

Chesumei Constituency’s 2027 parliamentary race represents more than just a contest between individuals – it reflects evolving voter preferences, potential generational change in leadership, and the complex mathematics of multi-candidate races in Kenya’s single-member constituencies. With challenges to the incumbent arising from every ward, the outcome will likely hinge on which candidate can build the most effective coalition across ward boundaries while maintaining passionate support in their home base.

The emergence of a “most preferred candidate” in early polling, the demonstration of youth political engagement through a 23-year-old MCA’s election, and the evident ward-level enthusiasms all point to an engaged electorate prepared to critically evaluate their options. As campaigns intensify, Chesumei’s voters will ultimately decide whether to extend their current representation or embrace one of the several alternatives vying for the opportunity to shape the constituency’s future development trajectory.

Kenya Ends 24-Year COMESA Sugar Safeguard, Steps Boldly Into Open Competition

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By James Okoth

After 24 years under a protective trade regime, Kenya’s sugar industry is finally standing on its own feet. The Government has formally exited the COMESA Sugar Safeguard, marking what officials describe as a “decisive and confident transition” from protection to open competition.

The safeguard, which expired on 30th November 2025, was first granted in 2001 under Article 61 of the COMESA Treaty. It was meant as a temporary measure to help Kenya reform, modernize and stabilize a struggling sugar industry threatened by cheap imports from regional producers such as Egypt, Eswatini and Sudan.

Two decades later, the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development insists the mission has been accomplished. “This is not a sign of vulnerability, but of strength,” the Ministry said in a statement. “Kenya’s sugar sector is stable, well-managed and ready to compete within a fair regional market.”

From Protection to Power

The Kenya Sugar Board, the regulatory agency under the Ministry, has gradually shifted policy focus away from defensive protectionism toward competitiveness, value addition and diversification.

Globally, the sugar industry has long stopped relying solely on refined sugar for revenue. In the world’s most efficient markets like in Brazil, India and Thailand, sugarcane is treated as a multi-product industrial raw material. Bagasse fuels electricity generation, molasses yields ethanol and industrial alcohols and waste fiber becomes packaging materials or paper.

Kenya, too, is taking that route. The Board has been supporting millers to diversify revenue streams, turning by-products into energy and industrial goods, to strengthen balance sheets and stabilize farmer payments. The strategy, officials argue, is already paying off.

“We are moving from protection to productivity,” says a senior industry official. “Diversification shields farmers from global sugar price shocks and ensures millers stay solvent even when sugar prices dip.”

A Rebound in Numbers

Recent statistics paint a picture of recovery. Sugarcane acreage expanded by 19.4 percent, from 242,508 hectares to 289,631 hectares, aided by reliable rainfall, certified seed distribution and targeted fertilizer subsidies.

Production surged by 76 percent, rising from 472,773 metric tonnes in 2022 to 815,454 metric tonnes in 2025. The figures signal not just recovery but renewed efficiency in both farm and factory operations.

With national demand hovering around 1.1 million tonnes, Kenya now produces nearly three-quarters of what it consumes in a vast improvement from the days when local mills supplied barely half the market.

Still, the Ministry concedes that mill capacity expansion, modernization and leasing of old state mills will take time to optimize. Controlled imports will therefore continue, sourced transparently from both COMESA and approved non-COMESA suppliers to maintain price stability and protect consumers.

A Delicate Balance

Kenya’s post-safeguard era will be guided by a balanced sourcing framework that blends domestic self-reliance with regional cooperation. Officials acknowledge that while population growth is driving up demand, regional sugar surpluses remain unpredictable.

The government plans to manage imports cautiously, enough to ensure stable prices but not so much as to undercut local millers. “Our approach is about balance, fairness and predictability,” the Ministry affirmed.

At the heart of this balance is the recognition that sugar is not just an agricultural commodity but an economic ecosystem, feeding into power generation, biofuel production, employment and rural development.

From State Mills to Private Energy

Kenya’s sugar reforms have also been institutional. The long, controversial leasing of state-owned mills like Mumias, Chemelil, Nzoia, Muhoroni and Sony to private operators, is now seen as a turning point rather than a retreat.

The leases, granted for long terms, were designed to attract private investment, restore professionalism and insulate the industry from political interference. By providing millers time to stabilize operations, government hopes to replace decades of inefficiency with sustainable, commercially driven management.

Critics had argued that exiting the safeguard would expose farmers to unfair competition. But the Ministry maintains that policy support, market coordination and farmer protection will remain intact through the Kenya Sugar Board’s oversight.

An Industry Reborn

The exit marks the end of an era and the beginning of a new one defined by competitiveness, innovation and integration. Over 24 years, Kenya’s sugar sector has passed through eight safeguard extensions, each with strict COMESA benchmarks: investment in productivity, tariff-rate quotas and factory rehabilitation.

Those conditions have now been met. The Government’s move signals confidence that Kenya can finally compete on equal footing within the regional free trade area.

Economist Dr. Timothy Njagi of Tegemeo Institute calls it “a rare example of a successful industrial transition.” He notes that Kenya’s sugar industry, once deemed chronically dependent on protection, now has a credible roadmap toward self-sufficiency and even export potential.

The Sweet Horizon

In the medium term, Kenya expects to achieve and surpass self-sufficiency, transforming from a deficit importer into a competitive regional supplier.

But officials are quick to caution that the sector remains sensitive to climate variability. Periods of drought may temporarily reduce yields, while good rainfall seasons will lift output, factors already incorporated into national planning.

“This is not the end of reform,” an official at the Kenya Sugar Board says. “It is the beginning of competitiveness. Protection helped us build; now we must prove we can stand.”

Kenya’s exit from the COMESA Sugar Safeguard is more than a policy milestone but a declaration of industrial maturity.

After two decades of protection, reform and restructuring, the country’s sugar industry is ready to face the open market. The government’s message is clear: the age of dependency is over.

As Kenya’s mills hum back to life, farmers earn timely payments and private investors modernize production, the country’s oldest agro-industrial sector may finally be turning its sweetest page yet.

Stop shedding crocodile tears, Azimio La Umoja volunteer group tells Junet over presidential agents in Central Kenya as the storm rages on

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By Anderson Ojwang

The storm is raging, and Azimio La Umoja Secretary General Junet Mohammed finds himself in an unfamiliar situation, with a volunteer group asking him to stop shedding crocodile tears and instead own up.

This comes hot on the heels of ODM Secretary General Edwin Sifuna’s demand for an audit of the 2022 presidential campaign, in which he accused Junet of misappropriating agents’ money.

The Azimio La Umoja Volunteer Board, through one of its members, Ronny Raburo, wrote, “You know what, we are just too strong watching Junet cry crocodile tears and chest thump…”

Raburo, who met the late Raila Odinga at breakfast ahead of the elections over the emerging issue of presidential agents in Central Kenya, said the former Prime Minister tasked Junet to urgently handle the matter.

Raburo said that two days to the eve of polling day, while attending the last agents’ training at the Kenya School of Law in Karen, they were informed from the ground that there was not a single agent in all the Central Province polling stations for IEBC briefing, and they sensed trouble.

At the breakfast meeting, after detailing Raila on the emerging situation in Central Kenya, he directed Junet to handle the concerns raised by the group.

Raburo had met Raila over concerns that in the Central region, the presidential candidate did not have agents.

“Raila called Junet and told him to handle our issue as a matter of urgency. We went downstairs with Junet to meet with Julie Nabweara and Jackie (members of the volunteer board), after our brief on the situation in Central Kenya.

Junet gave me his number to call him later in the day to meet him at the Kenya School of Law, Karen. Junet is yet to receive my calls to date,”he wrote.

The group had made a fallback plan just in case Azimio presidential agents fell short in any area, noting that they were ready to send volunteers who were present across the entire country to cover the gaps.

Sifuna lit the fire after accusing the Secretary General of Azimio La Umoja of misappropriating agents’ funds and bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s bid to become the fifth President of Kenya in the August 2022 elections.

Sifuna, speaking at a funeral in Mt Kenya, demanded a thorough audit of the 2022 presidential campaigns.

Equally, Sifuna also accused the party’s Director of Elections, Junet Mohammed, who was the Secretary General of the Azimio La Umoja Coalition, of bungling Raila Amolo Odinga’s campaign by failing to pay presidential agents.

“The day we will start the audit of the 2022 elections, it is good you have started the debate. Let everyone say their contributions in the 2022 general elections.”

Sifuna accused Junet of derailing Raila’s presidential bid and blamed him for Azimio La Umoja’s failure to form the government.

“Some people feasted on then President Uhuru Kenyatta’s money. I know, as the Secretary General, the huge chunk of money we used in the campaigns came from Uhuru Kenyatta.

You were eating Uhuru’s money instead of paying agents and allowed Wamunyoro (Rigathi Gachagua and President William Ruto) to defeat us.”

Sifuna said Uhuru bankrolled Raila’s campaign and wondered why Junet had now turned against him.

“Uhuru Kenyatta supported Raila’s campaign in all manner. But now there is one man, Junet Mohammed, who has woken up from sleep and realised how Uhuru Kenyatta’s money is now bad.

I want to ask Junet Mohammed, when did Uhuru Kenyatta’s money start to be bad? Those days you used to take Uhuru’s money, and some you didn’t bring to the party, and some you squandered,”he said.

However, Junet denied the accusations and instead placed the blame on former President Uhuru Kenyatta, whom he accused of appointing his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta, to manage the agents.

He said Uhuru released the agents’ funds to his brother and not to the secretariat.

“The answer is simple, clear and verifiable: former President Uhuru Kenyatta released the funds meant for election agents to his blood brother, Muhoho Kenyatta,” he said.

Junet said Muhoho Kenyatta appointed one Mr Patrick Mburu to take charge of the recruitment and payment of agents.

“Mr Mburu presented himself as an IT expert, claiming he had the capacity to detect and prevent any manipulation of results by the IEBC.”

Junet claimed that at the time, Muhoho Kenyatta operated from an office in Westlands that was so restricted that even Raila Odinga, the party’s presidential candidate, could not access it freely.

“It is from this office — out of bounds for nearly all of us — that they claimed to handle the agents’ payments and other logistics. These are facts, not conjecture. I challenge Uhuru Kenyatta and Muhoho Kenyatta to publicly deny these facts,” he said.

Sifuna blamed Junet for undermining Raila’s chances of forming the government in the 2022 general election.

“We are now mourning. If it was not for you, we could have formed the government.”

Junet said that once Muhoho took charge, they never procured any agents for Raila Odinga, neither in Mt Kenya nor in Luo Nyanza, describing it as a long con game.

“Let the record also be set straight: Hon Raila Odinga would have had no reason whatsoever to appoint me — Hon Junet Mohammed — as the Leader of Minority in the National Assembly if I had truly betrayed him.

For years, I handled all the delicate assignments from our late dear Party Leader with fidelity and diligence,”he said.

He challenged Uhuru, Muhoho and Mburu to come clean on the matter and deny his claims.

After the general election, the Azimio La Umoja Coalition dismissed allegations that some members of the secretariat squandered money budgeted for agents in the August 2022 elections.

This followed claims that top officials at the secretariat misused the funds, forcing some polling stations to miss out on agents.

Azimio spokesperson Prof Makau Mutua, in a statement at the time, defended Junet, who was on the receiving end of criticism.

“I have seen scurrilous attacks on Junet Mohammed accusing him of misappropriation of campaign funds meant for agents. Let me state without equivocation that Hon Junet was a campaign leader in the field supporting Hon Raila. He at no time handled the money meant for the agents, nor did he have anything whatsoever to do with the management of the agents,” the statement read.

Raila also came to Junet’s defence, saying the Suna East MP did not misappropriate campaign funds.

Raila’s chief agent in the August 9 elections, Saitabao Kanchory, claimed that ODM only listened to one person — Suna East MP Junet Mohammed.

“We could not have lost this election if it were not for three people. The first one is Junet Mohammed, the second is Joe Mucheru and the third is Makau Mutua. These are people I have worked with and respect, but in terms of responsibility, they take the highest responsibility,” he said on NTV.

According to Kanchory, Junet ran a one-man show, and the former Prime Minister sided with everything he said, even when he could clearly see it was wrong.

“The only person Baba would listen to without question was Junet. Even if you had the truth and you told Baba, and Junet came with darkness, Baba would side with Junet,” he said.

“Junet Mohammed is one man who purported to know everything, nullified everything everyone said, and made sure he kept people who could have helped Baba (Raila) at arm’s length. He ensured nobody came close to Baba who would have helped him.”

Somaliland Recognition to Stabilize Global Trade

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Billy Mijungu

By Billy Mijungu

The recognition of Somaliland is no longer a sentimental African debate about borders and history. It is a hard economic and global trade question whose time has come. In fact, Somaliland’s recognition would not only stabilise regional commerce but also significantly contribute to the stabilisation of global trade routes.

Today, the cost of importing a single container is nearly three times what it was before the Yemeni Houthis disrupted shipping routes in the Red Sea. The cost of shipping a small vehicle is now almost double the price of buying the same car in the second-hand market. These are real pressures choking businesses, inflating prices and discouraging investment.

Business thrives on security, accountability and sustainability. Where these three are absent, capital flees. Where they exist, trade flourishes. Israel, despite being at the centre of geopolitical tension, has demonstrated how firm security architecture and predictable systems can stabilise trade flows even within a hostile regional environment. That same logic applies to the Horn of Africa.

Somaliland is strategically positioned and institutionally stable. The Berbera Port offers a viable, secure and efficient trade corridor not only for Somaliland but also for Ethiopia, a 120-million-strong economy desperate for reliable sea access. Unlocking this corridor would power East Africa’s manufacturing, logistics and export potential, creating jobs and lowering the cost of goods across the region.

Somalia, unfortunately, has been slow, indecisive and often inward-looking. Instead of building regional trade infrastructure, it has focused on narrow, short-term political deals on the global stage. The result has been missed opportunity after missed opportunity, while instability continues to repel investors.

Somaliland should be recognised and admitted into the East African Community immediately after Ethiopia. Doing so would redraw the regional business map, anchor trade security and offer East Africa an alternative logistics backbone at a time when global supply chains are under severe strain.

And Somalia must tread carefully. The uncomfortable truth is that continued dysfunction carries consequences. At the slightest provocation, Jubaland could well chart its own path, and further fragmentation would become inevitable. Nations that fail to organise themselves eventually get reorganised by reality.

Trade does not wait for politics. Capital does not negotiate with indecision.

Recognition of Somaliland is not a provocation. It is a solution.

THE SILENT BURDEN

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Kisumu Family’s Struggle with Rare Spinal Deformity in Infant

By James Okoth

Inside a modest home in Kisumu City, the air is thick with both love and worry. A ten-month-old baby boy, the youngest in a family of four, lies quietly in his mother’s arms, his small frame struggling against a condition too complex for his tender age. The diagnosis, kyphosis, is a rare spinal deformity that has disrupted not just his physical growth but also the rhythm of family life.

Kyphosis, a curvature of the spine that causes a pronounced rounding of the back, is more commonly observed in older adults due to degenerative bone changes. In infants, however, it is rare, and when it occurs, it often signals deeper developmental or congenital complications.

For baby [name withheld], the condition has already shown visible effects: difficulty sitting or crawling, and an unusually large head and eyes, signs that have left his parents anxious about what the future holds.

His father, Pastor George Odhiambo Wanyando, recalls the moment doctors at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Teaching and Referral Hospital delivered the news.

“They told us to go for an MRI and when the results came, they said he has a deformity at the back, kyphosis. I didn’t even know what that meant at first,” he says softly. “But I could see something was not right. He can’t sit properly and his back is curved.”

The family’s heartbreak runs deeper. Pastor Wanyando painfully remembers losing another child to a similar condition in 2020, a tragedy that has left emotional and financial scars. Now, as they face a repeat of that nightmare, the family’s strength is being tested once again.

A Rare and Costly Condition

According to paediatric specialists, congenital kyphosis occurs when the spinal bones do not form properly before birth. It can worsen as a child grows, leading to complications with mobility, breathing and overall posture if not corrected early through surgery.

Treatment, however, comes at a steep price. Advanced imaging, orthopaedic interventions and corrective surgery can cost hundreds of thousands of shillings, well beyond the reach of many Kenyan families.

In Kisumu and across the region, cases like this often go unnoticed, lost in the noise of more common health crises. Yet, for families like the Wanyandos, kyphosis is a daily reality, a condition that demands constant care, financial strain and deep faith.

Faith Amid the Struggle

Despite the hardships, Pastor Wanyando remains grounded in his ministry and hope. A trained social worker by profession, he now spends most of his time tending to his small church and caring for his son. His wife balances hospital visits and household duties, while their older children face their own challenges: the eldest preparing for Form Four, another in Grade Two, and the third in PP2.

“I’m not working now, but I believe God will make a way,” he says. “We just need support for treatment and care. We don’t want to lose another child to the same condition.”

A Call for Help

As the medical team recommends urgent corrective intervention, totalling over Ksh. 1.5 million, the family’s financial ability remains the biggest obstacle. Pastor Wanyando is appealing to well-wishers, friends, churches and organisations to help raise funds for his son’s treatment and surgery.

“Every little contribution will go a long way in helping my son get the medical attention he needs. We need 1.5 million for spinal cord surgery and head surgery,” he says. “We’ve come this far through faith, and I know with your support, my child can live a full and healthy life,” he adds.

The Hidden Faces of Disability

Health experts note that congenital spinal deformities are often underdiagnosed in rural and peri-urban Kenya due to limited access to early imaging and paediatric orthopaedic services. Without timely intervention, many affected children develop lifelong disabilities, yet early surgical correction can dramatically improve outcomes.

The story of the Wanyando family is more than a medical case; it is a window into the silent struggles faced by many families battling rare childhood deformities without adequate support. It is a reminder that beneath the statistics are real lives, small children fighting silent battles and parents clinging to faith in the absence of financial means.

As Pastor Wanyando looks at his son, a soft smile crosses his face, one that hides years of pain and unspoken fear.

“He is a strong child,” he says. “If only we can get him the help he needs, I believe he will live to testify of God’s goodness.”