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How KDF, NYS and Police Recruitment Can Be Fair Once and for All

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Billy Mijungu

By Billy Mijungu

It is disheartening that a single slot for a Police or KDF officer can be sold for up to one million shillings. That means only the rich can afford to place their own, while qualified and deserving Kenyans are left out. This must change.

If Kenya is to be fair and professional in security recruitment, the process must be automated. Tests including psychometric, aptitude, and general intelligence should be conducted through an online portal with timed evaluations. This system would help identify the most capable candidates without human interference or manipulation.

Recruitment should be structured, data-driven, and transparent. The government can easily design a portal on the eCitizen platform dedicated to disciplined services recruitment. It should allow applicants to register, take their tests, and track progress. Once results are processed, the system can generate merit-based shortlists automatically, removing the temptation of bribery and favouritism.

Fitness verification should also be standardised. The government should establish accredited fitness centres in every county where candidates can earn a National Fitness Certificate. Just like a Certificate of Good Conduct, this document could be valid for a year and used across all recruitment drives. With such a system, young people can stay prepared, knowing that the opportunity will not depend on who they know or how much they can pay.

We can no longer trust recruitment to individuals who commercialise it for personal gain. Security service entry points have become cash cows for a privileged few, yet they are meant to serve the nation. To clean up the system, the government should borrow from models like the Kenya Youth Empowerment Programme and the ongoing NYOTA initiative, both of which have used technology to promote transparency and fairness at the intake level.

This reform must extend beyond the Police, KDF, and NYS to include the National Intelligence Service (NIS) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs cadet recruitments. These positions have quietly become the preserve of a select class, eroding public trust in the fairness of public service appointments.

Kenya must act now. The integrity of our disciplined forces begins with how their members are recruited. Once technology is placed at the centre, recruitment can finally be fair, transparent, and truly national.

Could Mt Kenya Be Facing Political Bankruptcy as Raila Fades Out?

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By Anderson Ojwang

When Nyeri Governor Mutahi Kahiga allegedly celebrated the recent demise of Raila Odinga, he was indeed flogging a dead horse.
The horse traversed the Mountain and became the agenda for the community in its political dispensation.
For the last six decades, the horse — the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga family — has remained a political campaign tool in the region.
It has been the quickest-selling political brand, and through it, several politicians have risen to elective seats, while those who have sided with the horse have had their political ambitions vanquished.

After independence and the eventual fallout between President, the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, and his Vice-President, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, the former resorted to oathing the community against the Luo.
Former Cabinet Secretary Martha Karua has candidly spoken about the 1969 oath by the Mt Kenya community against the lake.

“I am in Kerugoya in Standard Six. Suddenly there is oathing — the 1969 oath. All people of Mt Kenya are trooping to Gatundu, to Jomo Kenyatta’s home to take oath.
Even school children are being told to take oath. I come home for holiday, I am being told even my younger brothers walked to go and take oath. The oath was being taken in Kabare. People walked for eight kilometres. A whole school, people of all ages, would walk.
The oath was that the presidency will not go outside Mt Kenya and will not go, especially, to the Luo nation,”
she said then.

After the fallout and the oathing, Odinga became a tool and object of campaign in Mt Kenya, and any attempt to reconcile the communities to support a candidate from Nyanza has often met stiff opposition.
When Jaramogi exited, his son Raila entered, who, like his father, tried several times to appease the Mountain and bury the hatchet — but Raila remained the black sheep.

That is why, when Kahiga recently spoke in his native Kikuyu language, he claimed that Odinga’s demise was a blessing in disguise for the Mt Kenya region, stating that the former Prime Minister’s passing on would now free government resources for the Central Kenya region.
Kahiga maintained that the former Prime Minister’s handshake with President William Ruto had shifted government resources to the Nyanza region.

“You can see what had been planned, but God brought something up. Now it’s total confusion. Everybody can see that. We did not harbour hate for anyone, but God came through for us.

For you who do not travel — because I was in that region — all goodies were being directed there because of tomorrow’s plans, because it seemed like they did away with us, but God came and brought this thing,” he claimed.

This explains why, in the 2022 General Elections, when President Uhuru Kenyatta endorsed Raila for the presidency, Ruto’s team, led by impeached Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, had an easy task deconstructing Uhuru and Raila in the Mountain.

“We have chosen Raila Odinga, without any opposition, to be the fifth President of Kenya,” Kenyatta told a then cheering crowd of thousands in the capital, Nairobi.

But the endorsement was quickly dismissed, and the 1969 oath was evoked — something that was manifested in the 2022 presidential election results in Mt Kenya.

President Ruto received 3.5 million votes from Mt Kenya, while Raila, with the support of Uhuru, managed only 622,473.

  • Kiambu County – Total registered voters: 1,275,168, of which Raila got 210,580, while Ruto received 606,429.
  • Murang’a County – Total registered voters: 621,027, of which Raila received 73,526, while Ruto got 343,349.
  • Kirinyaga County – Total registered voters: 376,137; Raila got 37,909, while Ruto received 220,984.
  • Nyeri County – Total registered voters: 482,000, of which Raila got 52,052, while Ruto won by 272,507.
  • Nyandarua County – Total registered voters: 361,217, of which Raila received 49,228, while Ruto won by 189,519.
  • Tharaka-Nithi County – Total registered voters: 231,966; Raila got 15,062, while Ruto received 145,081.
  • Meru County – Total registered voters: 772,573, with Raila getting 103,679, while Ruto won 398,946.
  • Embu County – Total registered voters: 334,684, of which Raila got 31,209, while Ruto secured 187,981.

After Raila’s failed AU Chairmanship bid, the former Prime Minister was offered overtures for the 2027 presidential election.
Gachagua said, “If Raila Odinga wants to be President in Kenya, he can talk to us. We have no problem with Raila; our main problem is Ruto. ODM MPs voted for my impeachment because Ruto deceived them, but I have no problem with them. My problem is President William Ruto,” he said.

But Raila dismissed the overture, wondering how Gachagua could forget so fast when he used to abuse him while in power.
While in office, Gachagua seized every opportunity to humiliate Raila by placing traps in State House to ensure Raila and Ruto never met.

But he later said he had removed all the traps he had set at State House, allowing ODM leader Raila Odinga unfettered access to the Head of State.
Gachagua said he removed the traps after noticing that his boss appeared to be reuniting with a former political foe.

“My boss and I had agreed we set up traps so that Raila does not join the government through the back door. I would check the traps every morning and evening.
I would constantly check the traps to see whether they had captured anything,”
he said then.

“Uhuru Kenyatta told us Raila was bad, but they ended up working together. Ruto told us Raila was bad, but they are working together. I sat and wondered — was I, Gachagua, in the dark?
I started wondering why we beat Uhuru so much, saying we did not want Raila, we wanted Ruto — so the person who made us hate Uhuru has now been declared to be a good person by President Ruto,”
he said then.

For politicians from Mt Kenya, criticism of Raila was a ticket to an elective post. With Raila now out of the picture, are they staring at political bankruptcy?

How Raila Odinga Engineered Politics from the Workshop to the World

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By James Okoth

25/10/2025.

When a young Raila Amolo Odinga arrived in the industrial town of Magdeburg, then part of East Germany, in 1965, he was just another bright African student in a foreign land. He was hopeful, determined and quietly burning with the promise of post-independence Kenya. What the Germans didn’t know then was that the man adjusting welding torches and sketching machine designs at the Technical School of Magdeburg would one day become one of Africa’s most resilient political engineers.

At the time, Magdeburg was a city of steel and smoke. Raila immersed himself in this world of precision and pressure, studying Mechanical Engineering and Welding Technology, learning not just the art of design, but the discipline of systems —how to build, maintain and when necessary, to dismantle.

Those lessons would later find their echo not in workshops, but in Kenya’s parliaments, rallies and protests.

When he returned home in 1970, Raila applied his technical skills in the literal sense, lecturing at the University of Nairobi and later, founding East African Spectre, a company that became a pioneer in gas cylinder manufacturing. But the engineer’s soul in him wasn’t confined to blueprints and welding rods. He saw a nation in need of redesign,a political structure welded together by colonial interests, corroded by inequality and in need of recalibration.

He began the lifelong project that would define him: re-engineering Kenya.

Every political era he entered became a schematic drawing entailing a system to be examined, understood and improved. When he entered Parliament, he pushed for constitutional reforms that strengthened democracy’s framework. When he joined the opposition, he built alliances across party lines, connecting broken circuits of trust.

Like a craftsman, Raila tested ideas through trial and resistance, knowing that real change, like a good weld, required both heat and precision.

Raila Odinga’s political design did not stop at Kenya’s borders. His voice became an instrument of African integration, democracy and good governance. From mediating post-election crises in Kenya and the region, to championing infrastructure projects across the continent as African Union’s High Representative for Infrastructure, Raila’s influence extended across the map.

The Magdeburg training, the emphasis on systems thinking, structure and endurance, seemed to echo in his diplomatic wiring. He approached governance the same way an engineer approaches a machine: not as chaos to be feared, but as complexity to be mastered.

He saw Africa as an interlinked network of transport, trade and leadership systems, all in need of fine-tuning for progress. His global voice, shaped in that quiet East German city, grew into one of Africa’s most powerful calls for justice and reform.

Following his state burial on 19th of October 2025, Magdeburg University, now the Otto von Guericke University Magdeburg, joined the world in honouring one of its most distinguished alumni.

During a visit to Kenya’s Embassy in Berlin, university president, Professor Dr. Jens Strackeljan, presented a commemorative university plate to Ambassador Stella Mokaya for delivery to the Odinga family.

Strackeljan described Odinga as “a great engineer and bridge-builder,” saying his technical training in Magdeburg had a lasting influence on his public career.

“Raila Odinga was a great engineer and bridge builder,” he said, “The new programme will be named after Raila and will strengthen educational and cultural ties between Kenya and Germany,” he revealed part of the objective behind a new university program to honour Raila Odinga, symbolizing Raila Odinga’s enduring connection to the institution that first sharpened his mind and moulded his worldview.

In the end, the man who once welded steel in Magdeburg went on to weld together a nation’s hopes and, in the process, engineered a legacy that will stand as one of Africa’s most enduring blueprints for democracy.

Bad Law That Denies Us Good, Professional and Experienced Leaders

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By Billy Mijungu

Politicians with professional backgrounds are now employable and that is the right way to go. We have seen former politicians become Principal Secretaries and Cabinet Secretaries, serving at the apex of their professional callings. Others have transitioned from politics to the Judiciary as judges or magistrates, and many more are directors in public institutions.

This cross pollination between politics and professionalism enriches governance. It proves that public service and professional competence can coexist.

However, professional people looking to venture into politics are becoming fewer. The reason is the unfair and discriminatory provision in the Political Parties Act, which forces public servants to resign before seeking elective office. It is a bad law.

Why should a teacher resign to contest as an MCA? What financial influence or conflict of interest can a teacher possibly wield that would distort an election? The same applies to thousands of civil servants whose only desire is to serve their country differently.

Those holding senior financial or executive authority, such as CEOs and Managing Directors of state corporations, could be treated differently.

They may be allowed to take official leave during the campaign period, as their positions come with significant influence and access to public resources. If they win, they transition to their new role; if they lose, they return to their jobs. That is the fairest balance and the most professional way to encourage capable people to join politics without fear of losing everything.

Why, for instance, should a Clerk of an Assembly or of Parliament be compelled to resign before running for Speaker? These are the very people who understand the rules, procedures, and spirit of the House better than anyone else.

They are already the silent engines of parliamentary business. Forcing them out before they contest is both illogical and wasteful of institutional talent.

It is time to repeal this bad law or have the courts interpret it differently in favor of fairness and meritocracy. Kenya deserves leaders drawn from the best professionals, not just those who can afford to gamble their livelihoods. Public service should be a bridge to leadership, not a barrier.

How Kasagam-Based Officers Saved Kenya from a National Shame

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By James Okoth

25/10/2025.

In a nation still mourning the death of its most iconic statesman, the late Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga, one act of lawlessness had threatened to stain Kenya’s image and expose the soft underbelly of its security system. But a daring and disciplined operation by Kasagam-based police officers turned what could have been a national embarrassment into a moment of redemption for law enforcement.

On the morning of October 25, 2025, officers from Kasagam Police Station acting on credible intelligence launched a high-stakes raid in Manyatta “B” Slums, Mbeme area, Kisumu East Sub-County in an operation that would soon uncover the pistol that went missing from Governor Fernandes Barasa’s bodyguard during Raila Odinga’s burial in Bondo just six days earlier.

The stolen firearm, a Jericho pistol serial number 40309458, loaded with 14 rounds, belonged to Police Constable Benson Kodiah Olayo, a GSU officer attached to the VIP protection detail of the Kakamega Governor. Its disappearance during one of the most heavily guarded funerals in Kenya’s history sent shockwaves across the nation and raised uncomfortable questions about the state of security preparedness.

For nearly a week, the stolen gun symbolized a potential breach of state security, with implications reaching far beyond the boundaries of Kisumu. But even before the dust of speculation settled, the Kasagam crime unit was already quietly working on intelligence leads.

At precisely 13:30 hours, guided by a reliable tip-off, the OC Crime Kasagam led an undercover team into the narrow alleys of Manyatta “B.” The officers raided a rented house belonging to 19-year-old Timothy Odhiambo, who was in the company of three others: David Beckham Odhiambo (20), Tony Blair Omondi (16) and Harun Ibrahim (17), all described by police as dangerous young criminals.

The initial search yielded nothing. But after tense interrogation, Odhiambo broke down and led officers to his mother’s house, barely 400 metres away. The house was locked, but police gained entry by cutting through the padlock.

Inside the kitchen ceiling, the breakthrough came. The missing pistol, intact and loaded, neatly hidden away in a makeshift compartment was found.

As police retrieved the weapon, the suspect’s mother, Lilian Atieno Nyabende, resurfaced at the scene. She was arrested to assist in ongoing investigations, as forensic officers from the Kisumu Scenes of Crime Unit moved into document and process the recovery site.

Within hours, the stolen pistol that had caused national outrage was secured, recorded under OB No. 15/25/10/2025, and verified against the records of Bondo Police Station OB No. 47/19/10/2025.

The recovery was not just a police victory; it was a salvaging of national dignity.

In an era where public confidence in security institutions often wavers, the Kasagam team demonstrated the power of community intelligence, swift coordination and fearless execution. Their success neutralized what could have spiraled into an international security scandal in which a state-issued firearm, stolen during a former Prime Minister’s funeral was potentially circulating in criminal hands.

Their action reminded the nation that policing still works when courage meets commitment. It also underscored the critical role of public cooperation, as the tip-off came from vigilant locals unwilling to shelter crime.

As the suspects await arraignment and the DCI Kisumu East digs deeper into the gang’s network, the broader question remains: how did a weapon disappear under the noses of elite officers in Bondo?

That question will define Kenya’s next conversation on VIP protection protocols, event security management and intelligence coordination during high-profile gatherings.

Still, for now, Kenya can breathe a little easier because in the crowded backstreets of Mbeme, a small team of determined officers refused to let the country’s image crumble.

In saving one gun, Kasagam Police saved Kenya from a national shame.

Multi-party arrives in Nyanza as fears of split emerge in ODM

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By Anderson Ojwang

Despite Nyanza getting the credit for crusading for multi-party politics in the country, the region has remained with a single-party mentality.

The Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) has been the dominant party in the region, while other leading political parties have given the region a wide berth.

The residents have been conditioned to believe in the mantra “Odwa en ot achiel” (Our house is one), “Wadhi konyo Jakom lweny malo” (We are going to help Jakom fight imaginary wars) and “Ka Jakom owacho left to en left or right to en right” (If Jakom says left, it is left; if he says right, it is right), to their detriment.

The seeds of the arrival of multi-partyism were witnessed in the November-scheduled by-elections, where ODM attracted the fewest aspirants for its primaries.

For Ugunja, only three aspirants sought the ODM ticket, while other parties are presenting nine candidates for the by-election.

Similarly, in Kasipul, only five aspirants contested in the controversial ODM nomination, and the seat has attracted 10 other candidates on independent tickets and from other political parties.

The recent death of ODM leader Raila Odinga is a double-edged sword for ODM and Nyanza. Raila, who was the glue and de facto leader of both Nyanza and ODM, has left a vacuum, and the centre can no longer hold.

Before Raila’s death, camps had already emerged in ODM over the alliance with President William Ruto and support for the broad-based government.

At the burial, the split was evident, with party secretary Edwin Sifuna reading from a different script, while the pro–broad-based government faction had their own script.

“We should do things that will make Baba smile. In my view, this is not the time to push divisive narratives in ODM. You all know ODM is a party for all Kenyans.

We, as party leaders, must show unity in the party. I, Sifuna, will not be part and parcel of those who want to destroy the party.

I will keep the party united and together, even in the face of open provocation. Let us, as party officials, wait and listen to what the members are saying before we act.

Let the people tell us what they want us to do with ODM. Raila spoke before the public on 22nd September before the MPs. So I kindly ask that we respect what Raila said,” he said.

Raila had said, “As a party we must prepare for the 2027 General Elections, and whatever position you hold, do not commit the party to things that have not been deliberated by the party organs. Who has told you otherwise?”

Sifuna said they will follow and implement Raila’s final instructions delivered before his death.

But yesterday, acting party leader Dr. Oburu Oginga reaffirmed that the ODM party supports the broad-based government and will support President Ruto.

“Raila left us at a place as a community. Raila left us in the government. We have benefited in the broad-based government, and that is where we will remain.

I must thank Ruto for giving Raila a State funeral. We do not take it for granted. We are going to move together with President Ruto.

My people from the fraternity of Luo Nyanza came to endorse my appointment as the party leader. I want to thank you for honouring me,” he said.

While Oburu was hosting Nyanza ODM members at his home in Bondo, Sifuna was meeting the families of the victims who died in the course of mourning Raila.

“We invited the families of the late Vincent Otieno Ogutu, Evans Onyango Kiche, Josfae Jida Burke and Josephine Akengo to Chungwa House today. They were among those killed in the course of mourning Baba at Kasarani and Nyayo Stadium. We extended our condolences and support on behalf of the entire ODM family,” he wrote on his X handle.

When he spoke, Orengo said Oburu was the suitable party leader and an honest and trustworthy person.

“The party is the foundation of any democracy. If we did not have a strong party, we would not have democracy in Kenya.

The ODM party leadership must remember its history. I give you my support and look forward to working with you.

You don’t need any political post in the party. I, Orengo, have not held any post in the party, but I still commit to the party.

When we seek alliances with other people, we must be smart and should not put all our cards on the table. We must listen to the ground. ODM should not be swallowed by another party. ODM must remain the biggest party,” he said.

Kisumu Woman Representative Ruth Odinga, in a move to appease members and the public, said ODM nominations will be free and fair unlike before.

Adhiambo said, “We will straighten ODM under Oburu Oginga. Oburu, my brother, is a fair and honest person. He won’t hold your hand or endorse you. So don’t go to him for that. You will have to go to the ground and ask the people for votes,” she said.

A Saboti MP had warned ODM chairperson Gladys Wanga, saying, “Why are Wanga and company so active politically after Baba’s death? What happened to the period of mourning? Since Baba died, they are more into broad-based politics than the life of Raila. Even if Baba left you in broad-based politics, why are you defending it more than the owners and UDA MPs? Why are you in a hurry to quickly chase leaders like Caleb, Sifuna and Babu Owino out of ODM, whom Baba never chased away, but loved?”

President Ruto, at the burial, said he will not allow ODM to disintegrate or be taken over by some quarters.

“I know I am the leader of UDA in the Kenya Kwanza government. I want to promise you ODM members, in regard to Raila’s wish, that we will respect ODM and support you to hold the party together. The future and strength of ODM matters so much to me.

I will not allow— in honour of Raila and within my means— those who want to remove ODM from the broad-based government for their selfish gain. That will not happen,” he said.

Where the World Is and Where Kenya Stands on Digital Policing

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By James Okoth

In an era when technology has redefined every sector from banking to healthcare, the justice and security chain remains one of the hardest to modernize. Yet across the world, a few nations have begun rewriting the rules, taking policing, prosecution and court processes fully online.

In Dubai, the police force has already stepped into the future. Unmanned Smart Police Stations, open 24 hours, seven days a week, allow residents to report crimes, pay fines and obtain clearance certificates without ever speaking to an officer. The entire process is digital, traceable and seamless. Each complaint is automatically logged and linked to investigative systems and the courts, eliminating the long delays that once defined traditional policing.

In South Africa, the idea of an “e-police station” is no longer futuristic. The Kabokweni Police Station in Mpumalanga, launched in 2015, runs on a digital docket system that tracks every report from entry to closure. In municipalities like Ray Nkonyeni, digital call-handling systems allow citizens to report incidents online, with dispatch centres monitoring real-time police responses.

Then there is Rwanda, where the justice system has quietly become one of Africa’s most digitised. Through the Integrated Electronic Case Management System (IECMS), all court cases — civil, criminal, or administrative — are filed, processed and decided electronically. Judges, prosecutors and lawyers operate on a shared digital platform, cutting costs and drastically reducing case backlogs.

Across these examples, one lesson stands out: when technology meets accountability, justice becomes not only faster but also fairer.

Kenya, too, has begun to walk this path.
The Ministry of Interior, through the National Police Service, is midstream in a bold plan to digitise police stations and streamline justice delivery.

In Nairobi, more than 70 police stations have replaced their traditional Occurrence Books (OBs) with digital OBs in a move that allows reports to be logged, stored and accessed in real time. A citizen who reports a theft or assault can now have their case tracked electronically, reducing the risk of lost records or altered statements.

By April 2025, the Interior Ministry projects that Kenyans will be able to report select incidents without physically visiting police stations. The move is part of a KSh 28 billion digital modernization program, expected to cover at least 80 percent of policing and administrative services in two years.

In parallel, the Judiciary has accelerated its own reforms, expanding e-filing, virtual court hearings and digital case tracking. Combined, these efforts are quietly nudging Kenya toward an integrated justice ecosystem.

Yet, despite the bold vision, the transformation is still incomplete. Many rural and peri-urban police stations remain fully manual, relying on physical occurrence books and handwritten dockets. Internet connectivity, equipment shortages, and inadequate training have slowed the rollout.

There are also deeper structural concerns.
Digital systems without clear data governance risk creating new forms of opacity, where only a few officers understand the technology, leaving citizens and oversight bodies in the dark. Privacy advocates have also raised questions about how data from the police’s “Safe City” surveillance network is stored and used, given Kenya’s limited record of transparency in security matters.

Perhaps the greatest challenge lies not in technology itself, but in mindset. For digitisation to succeed, it must not only replace paper with screens but also transform culture. Shifting from secrecy to accountability, from bureaucracy to service.

The Ministry of Interior under recent leadership has shown willingness to modernise, but it remains a house of contrasts. On one hand, there is progress: digital border systems, e-citizen integration and plans for online police certification. On the other, persistent issues of inefficiency, corruption and delayed service delivery continue to haunt the ministry’s reputation.

While Kenya’s digital agenda is ambitious and commendably clear in its roadmap, success will depend on three things:

  1. Integration: ensuring police, prosecution, and courts share one digital case file.
  2. Transparency: making crime and case data publicly accessible in anonymised formats for accountability.
  3. Capacity: training officers and citizens alike to use and trust digital systems.

Compared to nations like Dubai, South Africa, or Rwanda, Kenya’s digitisation of justice is still a work in progress, promising but patchy.
The groundwork has been laid: digital OBs, e-filing courts, crime-reporting apps, and ambitious plans for full online access.

But the test of progress will not be how sleek the systems appear, but how fairly and efficiently justice is delivered. The future of policing, in Kenya and beyond, will not be defined by sirens and uniforms but by data, transparency, and trust.

What if Min Piny Rose Where Baba Fell?

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By James Okoth

In Kenya’s long political theatre, transitions have rarely been about structure. They have been about symbolism. The death of Raila Amollo Odinga was not just the passing of a political icon; it was the quiet redirection of energy, authority and myth.

When power left Raila, it did not simply vanish. It drifted home, to Bondo and into the hands of his elder brother, Dr. Oburu Oginga. The elder statesman, himself a veteran of Parliament and diplomacy, now finds himself the default custodian of a name heavier than any title: Odinga.

But the real question is not who inherited Raila’s structures, it’s who inherited his spirit.

At the burial, Oburu stood beside the casket with the quiet solemnity of a man who knows both duty and destiny. His gestures were slow, deliberate, the kind of calm that signals closure and command. For ODM stalwarts, it was both reassuring and unsettling: a reminder that power, even within legacy, abhors a vacuum.

Yet, away from the cameras and the chants, another force lingered in silence. Ida Odinga.

While the nation mourned its “Baba,” it forgot to look closely at the woman who had stood beside him for half a century; the one who shaped his discipline, sharpened his defiance and steadied his compass through exile, detention and political storms.

Raila Odinga was Baba, the father of the nation’s opposition. Ida Odinga is “Min Piny,” the mother of the nation.

And yet, in the fragile hours after Raila’s burial, when political tongues began to roll, few dared to ask:
Could Ida Odinga be Kenya’s next torchbearer of the Odinga legacy?

ODM, now adrift in grief and recalibration, seems blind to its most natural continuity, Ida herself.
In a party long accused of male dominance and dynastic inertia, her potential is viewed not as evolution but disruption.

Party insiders whisper about Oburu’s seniority, or Winnie’s youthful charm. They however ignore the only figure who commands both national empathy and historical depth. It was Ida who nurtured ODM when its leader was devoted to high voltage national politics. It was Ida who rallied women’s movements when the party was branded defiant. It was Ida who, in moments of chaos, became the calm center, strong, articulate and unyielding.

Yet, the very thought of her stepping into the political front line makes many in the party uneasy. Why? Because it challenges an order built on patriarchy disguised as loyalty.

Ida Odinga’s political potential is not invisible. It’s inconvenient. She carries authority without asking for it; influence without the need for titles. Her calm voice, her maternal authority, her firm grasp of both politics and protocol. These qualities unsettle the loud and the ambitious.

For years, she avoided the spotlight, content to play strategist, counsellor and keeper of the Odinga moral compass. But now, in Raila’s absence, the question is no longer whether she wants power…it’s whether Kenya is ready for a woman to wear Baba’s shoes.

Her emergence would stir the party’s soul, forcing a reckoning with its gender biases and its comfort with symbolic motherhood over actual leadership. To many ODM men, she is the heart of the movement. But hearts, in politics, are rarely trusted with power.

If Ida Odinga were to step forward, not as Raila’s widow, but as a stateswoman, she would likely find a country willing to listen.

In an age where politics is losing empathy, her maternal symbolism could heal as much as it could lead.

But for now, ODM remains trapped in nostalgia, clinging to Baba’s memory while ignoring the mother’s mandate.
As Oburu steadies the family’s political estate, the soul of the movement still hovers, not in strategy meetings or press briefings, but in that silent question that refuses to fade:

What if Min Piny rose where Baba fell?

When the Skies Wept

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By James Okoth

In the quiet, little-known village of Wathorego, in Kisumu East, Kisumu County, dawn has always followed a rhythm older than memory. At 4 a.m. the call to prayer from a nearby mosque rises softly through the mist. Moments later, the hum of the first plane cuts across the silence. A predictable sound that villagers use to mark the hours. Children, as young as three, know their mornings, mid-mornings and evenings by the aircraft passing overhead. Time, in Wathorego, lives in the sky.

But on the morning of October 15, 2025, something changed. The planes came early, low, loud, unsettled. One tore through the clouds before the first call to prayer; another followed, its roar deeper, longer, and strangely mournful. By sunrise, the village already sensed that the skies were trying to say something.

Then the radios spoke the unthinkable: Raila Amollo Odinga, the enigma, the reformer, the man whose name had long defined Kenya’s democratic heartbeat, was gone. With him, even the air above Wathorego lost its calm.

In Nairobi, the nation’s grief gathered at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. Engineers and pilots of Kenya Airways prepared what would soon become a flight of history and symbolism — the return of Raila Odinga’s remains from India.

The carrier made a moving announcement that stunned millions.

“KQ203 will change to RAO001 as soon as we reach Kenyan airspace at around 8:50 a.m. to honour and respect our departed leader.” Kenya Airways announced.

It was the first time in Kenya’s aviation history that a commercial flight had been renamed to honour an individual. As the plane, a Boeing 787 Dreamliner, approached from Mumbai, tens of thousands tracked it live online. The call sign RAO001 glowed red across global flight maps, its progress watched in real time by Kenyans at home and abroad. It’s path glowed red across radar maps, a single dot, carrying a nation’s grief.

At 8:52 a.m. as the aircraft crossed into Kenyan airspace, air-traffic controllers cleared a silent corridor. The hum of other planes ceased. For a few solemn minutes, the entire sky seemed to belong to Raila.

The days that followed saw Kenya Airways make another extraordinary gesture. With thousands planning to travel to Kisumu for the funeral, the airline increased its flight frequencies and upgraded equipment on the busy Nairobi–Kisumu route.

“We’ve increased our flight frequency to Kisumu over the weekend to meet the high travel demand.” Kenya Airways made the announcement.

Additional flights included:

Friday 17 October – KQ656 (13:30) and KQ658 (19:00)

Saturday 18 October – KQ650 (06:50) and KQ654 (08:05), both upgraded to larger Boeing 737s

Sunday 19 October – KQ654 (08:05) and KQ671 (19:00), also operated with Boeing 737s

Within hours of the announcement, nearly all flights were sold out. Ticket prices doubled from the usual KSh 8,000–10,000 to between KSh 18,000 and 23,000, as Kenyans scrambled to be part of history. Exact figures for ticket sales were not released, but industry reports confirmed that most flights ran at full capacity.

From the skies, the Nairobi–Kisumu corridor looked like a procession — a continuous string of red-blinking lights over the Rift Valley, each one carrying mourners, journalists or dignitaries heading home to say goodbye.

By October 19, the village of Wathorego no longer needed clocks.
The hum of aircraft had turned from rhythm to requiem. Military choppers hovered low, their rotors trembling the sugarcane leaves, almost sweeping away tens of hundreds of tired roofs. Media drones buzzed like restless insects. Jets roared in formation, some circling before diving toward Kisumu International Airport, others veering toward Bondo.

Children who once squealed with delight now stood silent, hands shielding their faces from the sun. Each sound was a reminder that the sky above them was hosting a funeral far greater than their small world could contain.

One afternoon, silence returned. The final chopper carrying Raila’s body home to Bondo disappeared into the western horizon.
The sky, at last, rested.

Days later, the old order resumed. The muezzin’s 4 a.m. prayer echoed again. The planes returned to schedule…the gentle 6:20 am, the sharp 8:40am and the evening hum. Children once more counted planes, whispering, “That’s the morning one… that’s the afternoon one.”

Though sky life is progressively returning to rhythm, every plane that passes still seems to say his name softly and endlessly as the roads to and from his Bondo home continue to surge.

This, however, is a story of another day!

How a Kenyan in diaspora is pioneering digital education model in rural Kenya

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By Samuel Owida

A Kenyan-born data scientist based in Washington, D.C. Pius Odhiambo has pioneered a groundbreaking digital education model that is reshaping learning in rural Kenya. 

Since its inception in 2020, the KISWATE Digital Academy has addressed major challenges faced by underserved communities by merging technology, cultural preservation, and grassroots support.

KISWATE—named from the Kiswahili phrase “KISWAhili TEkelezi,” meaning “functional Kiswahili”—embraces a dual mission: revitalizing the national language in neglected regions while deploying cutting-edge digital infrastructure designed specifically for rural schools.

Remarkably, it operates as a “school without walls,” serving over 15,000 students and 500 teachers across multiple counties without owning physical buildings.

At the core of KISWATE’s operations is the KISWATE Digital Attendance and Discipline Tracking Register (KDADTR), a Smart ID-based platform that automates daily school functions including attendance logging, discipline management, meal programs, and transport coordination.

“This technology has increased our school attendance rates by over 35% and improved discipline reporting accuracy to nearly 98%, compared to manual systems,” said Odhiambo, founder of KISWATE. 

This digital system enhances transparency and accountability in schools historically challenged by inefficient administrative processes,” he said

A persistent obstacle in Kenyan education has been the disproportionate teacher-student ratio, with some rural schools facing ratios as high as 1:70, far above the recommended 1:40.

This disproportionate phenomenon hasn’t been and can’t be addressed by the change of curriculum from decades-long 8:4:4 system of education to Curriculum Based Competency (CBC) to improved Curriculum Based Education (CBE).

KISWATE counters this by leveraging artificial intelligence-powered digital lessons and virtual classrooms, enabling personalized, interactive learning experiences regardless of teacher shortages.

“AI-driven tutoring allows students to learn at their own pace, filling gaps left by teacher scarcity,” said Jane Mwangi, a KISWATE e-learning coordinator.

This innovation ensures students in remote communities have equitable access to quality education.

Digitization also alleviates financial burdens on families by reducing reliance on costly printed textbooks, which can cost up to 30% of annual school fees. 

The academy’s digital textbooks significantly cut costs, easing economic pressures and helping keep children in school.

Beyond technology, KISWATE supports rural schools through scholarships, lunch programs, and community activities, melding modern innovation with vital humanitarian aid. 

About 45% of enrolled students receive some form of direct support from the academy.

The academy plans to launch a physical hub, “KISWATE Villa,” by late 2025 to merge its virtual presence with community engagement on the ground.

Additionally, KISWATE’s digital and AI solutions provide critical continuity in conflict-prone areas such as northern Kenya and Rift Valley regions affected by cattle rustling, enabling safe, remote learning where physical schooling is disrupted. 

“Insecurity no longer means the end of education for our children,” stated community leader Moses Lekape from Baringo County.

KISWATE stands as a powerful example of how diaspora expertise, technology, and community commitment can together transform Kenya’s educational landscape making learning accessible, affordable, and culturally relevant for rural learners.

This digital revolution could mark a turning point in achieving Kenya’s vision for inclusive, quality education for all.