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A Bondo resident pens a letter to Gachagua ahead of his Kango ka Jaramogi visit — time to forgive and heal the Nation

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OPEN LETTER TO
His Excellency Rigathi Gachagua,
2nd Deputy President of the Republic of Kenya.

Dear Excellency,
Re: Many Congratulations and Greetings from Bondo.

May it please your Excellency to know that my name is Richard Otieno and I come from Bondo, and my wife happens to be a beautiful Kikuyu lady from Nyeri with whom I have two now grown-up sons. One of them actually has a Kikuyu name in tribute to his grandfather in Nyeri.

My first congratulations are due because of your bold decision that you will soon be going to Bondo to pay respects to my fallen relative Raila Odinga and to condole with the family of Jaramogi. Your visit will be very significant and in keeping with a tradition set by two other great leaders from Nyeri. The Late JM Kariuki from Nyeri was the highest-ranking member of the Kikuyu community to attend the burial of Tom Mboya after his assassination by Isaac Njenga Njoroge in 1969, on what is now Tom Mboya Street.

Another great Nyerian also came and mourned the murdered Robert Ouko in Koru in 1991. The bereaved have giant eyes to see those who come to mourn with them and a lifetime memory that you attended.

So welcome to Bondo. Confirm the day of coming early so that I can also attend the coming of my Muthoniwa. You see, it is not only the Maasais who are your Muthoniwas. By the way, Raila Odinga Junior’s wife is from Murang’a and we paid dowry, so he is another athoniwa, and there are children out of that union.
You cannot stop us from being your relatives, can you? Besides, there is our shared humanity in the eyes of the Almighty God — the issue of “cousins” notwithstanding. In case this is not true, please check with our beloved Pastor Dorcas.

My second congratulations are to Pastor Dorcas on her ordination as a Bishop. Apart from her intercessory prayers having propelled you to the second-highest office in the land, I may be forgiven for speculating that her prayers may also have precipitated your decision to forgive and forget your altercations with the late PM Raila. You called him Mchawi and Murogi. He later responded in kind by calling you Gachietha, which I am sure you soon learned means “a piece of shit.”

Nothing really to make you feel guilty because President Ruto enriched your adjectives with words like Mtu wa Kitendawili, including throwing the whole Luo community and children into the mix as “wale watu wa kung’oa reli.”

President Kenyatta called Raila Mugoroki before he became his brother after the handshake in 2018.

My third and probably controversial congratulations are for the way you succeeded in causing the formation of the so-called broad-based government and its other derivatives like bread-based or blood-based government. If you had not preached the politics of “shareholding and kuweka mtego kila pahali State House,” there is no way President Ruto would have marshalled Raila and ODM support in Parliament to impeach you.

As a truthful man, I urge you to acknowledge this truth. To quote one of your recent statements, it was nothing personal — just politics. The same principle obtains when you pleaded with President Ruto to let you deal with Raila personally and permanently consign him to Bondo in the wake of the Maandamano of 2023, where some 77 Luo Gen Zs were killed. As Deputy President, you were Deputy Baba wa Taifa. Even if you wanted to discriminate against some of your Kenyan children, you should not have been truthful about it. Being truthful is not always a good thing. Ask Pastor Dorcas. Even Apostle Peter had to lie about knowing Jesus. Had he not lied three times, he would have been executed on the same day with Jesus.

Your Excellency Riggy G, now Raila is permanently in Bondo, and it is extremely gracious of you that you go to solemnly witness his final resting place. I am sure this is not what you meant when you said you would send him to Bondo.

I believe that the people of Bondo and the Luos — especially the Christians who know about the healing power of forgiveness — will embrace you and welcome you. Please bring along my sister Pastor Dorcas. Forget about this running with cows and shouting Jowi. Many of my generation who also grew up in Nairobi do not understand this spectacle. Please spare Pastor Dorcas the ritual of running with the spear.

Finally, your Excellency, if I was ever to meet you personally, I would engage you in more robust discussion about our country. Like, is there any way by which current leaders like you could inspire our Gen Z children to walk away from the shadow of tribal hate that has defined our country for the last 60 years?

This hate between the Kikuyus and the Luos can burn this country. But at your high pedestal as DP, I can only dream of such an encounter.

I was made to believe that you, like the late Charles Njonjo, had sworn that you do not shake the hand of Luos like me because of frequent outbreaks of cholera in Kisumu. And that you ensured any Luo civil servant who worked at the office of the DP when you were there was transferred, and none has ever been returned. I believe that is just a negative rumour. But Luos still remember what Njonjo said about them and how he made them feel. The spoken word — especially from a leader — can be powerful and endure for generations. May the soul of Njonjo rest in peace.

As a person with Kikuyu family members, I know how many Kikuyus feel about Raila. But I will not go into that now.

More than 1.2 million still voted for him despite your skilful and shrewd campaign that invoked and exploited ethnic fault lines to deliver the presidency to Ruto, albeit narrowly. President Ruto is your creation, and to your credit as a truthful man you have not denied this fact. I like you for that.

Let me just ask you this last question that stems from your recent advice to the GEMA people this week in the run-up to the Mbeere by-elections, premised on the Kikuyu saying: “You do not bury an elephant with its tusks.” That would be extremely stupid and against Kikuyu culture,” you said. You remove the tusks and then you bury the useless carcass.

It is obvious that Mutahi Kagwe did not drive past Githurai with his flag as a CS. By the way, when is the last time you heard anything said by Lee Kinyanjui or CS Wahome supporting anything in the Ruto government? Is it a reasonable conclusion that the seven GEMA members of the Cabinet have taken your advice and that they are quietly extracting the tusks from the elephant, as you correctly advised? Why don’t you want the Luo “experts” to do the same? Or do you prefer them to remain “extremely stupid”? Forgive them though for their lack of table manners. They are shouting too much with their mouths full and “vomiting on our shoes.” They are non-shareholders invited to the high table. What do you expect them to do but sing the praise songs very loudly?

To my Gen Z children it was the low of low spectacle witnessing the second Deputy President of the Republic and the second Prime Minister of the Republic engaged is such machanguano like 11 year old boys with one telling the other that my mother is more beautiful than your mother. The 12 year old kids are too mature than that because by that age they are studying for exams.

As to whether ODM and, by extension, the Luos will be working with UDA and Ruto in 2027, I can only refer to Raila’s last speech: “WHO TOLD YOU?”

CC: Pastor Dorcas Rigathi

We Need to Strengthen the Currency and Further Lower Inflation. The Kenya Shilling 500 Should Remain the Highest Denomination

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By Billy Mijungu

Rumours continue to circulate that the government is considering introducing a Kenya Shilling 5000 note. While the subject of inflation is obvious and often discussed, the more important issue is the politics behind such a proposal, especially as the country moves toward the 2027 elections.

Some citizens may genuinely feel tired of carrying large bundles of cash, and some businesses may feel a bigger note would make transactions easier. However, when you examine the situation carefully, it becomes clear that the motivation appears more political than economic. The timing and the messaging behind a higher denomination raise questions about who benefits and why.

Kenya today is more cashless than at any other time in our history. We are a global pioneer in digital money through M Pesa, T Kash and Airtel Money. Most everyday transactions take place electronically, making our financial system faster, safer and more transparent. Introducing a Kenya Shilling 5000 note in this environment goes against the direction of modern finance and does not reflect the needs of the economy.

Instead of going higher, Kenya should be going lower. The country should in fact remove the Kenya Shilling 1000 note to send a bold and clear message about reform, discipline and currency stability. Countries that protect the strength of their money always limit the highest denomination and push transactions toward traceable electronic channels. This reduces the circulation of illicit funds, improves revenue oversight and builds confidence in the value of the currency.

Cash should remain concentrated in the smaller units of fifty, one hundred and two hundred. The five hundred note is enough as the upper limit of physical currency. Removing the Ksh 1,000 note and refusing to introduce a higher note would strengthen public trust and signal that the government is serious about financial order.

Kenya has earned a strong reputation as a stable financial hub in East Africa. Our systems are admired and our innovations have inspired the world. A Kenya Shilling 5000 note would send the opposite message. It would suggest economic strain, weakened purchasing power and panic within monetary policy circles. Such a signal would create unnecessary fear among citizens and investors.

If the push for a new note is political, it should be dropped. If the intention is to honour Raila Odinga, a commemorative coin would accomplish this without disrupting the currency structure. Kenya must avoid unnecessary moves that risk stability.

Sibling rivalry rocks Kisumu gubernatorial contest as Oron and Obura engage in a dog fight

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By Anderson Ojwang

The race for the Kisumu gubernatorial seat is turning uglier and muddier with the emergence of sibling rivalry pitting Kisumu Central MP Joshua Oron and former area MP Ken Obura.

The two gubernatorial aspirants, both from the Kano clan — the largest in Kisumu County — and once close pals, have now embarked on a dog fight, each trying to outdo the other.

Kano clan is served by two constituencies: Nyando with 80,757 voters and 166 polling stations, and Muhoroni with 79,765 voters and 163 polling stations.

Dr Oron, who declared his interest in the seat three years ago, has been traversing Kisumu County campaigning and undertaking various development programs to woo voters.

Obura is the new entrant in the race after he declared his interest last month and opened battle fronts with Oron when he ‘robbed’ him of his key allies and campaign secretariat.

Obura managed to rock Oron’s camp by securing the support of his personal assistant Nyaori Nyang and women leader Judith Matengo, a Kibuye-based businesswoman.

“An kaka Nyaori Nyang, kawuono awuok ka Oron officially kendo a join Team Obura. An ema nyocha an PA mare, aweyo salary kod ofis kuno. Ulowa ikoso ok uluwa. (I, Nyaori Nyang, from today have defected from Oron’s camp and joined Ken Obura’s team. I was his Personal Assistant. I have decided to forgo my salary. I hope you will join me in supporting Obura’s team),” he said.

But Oron also pulled a fast one on Obura when Kano elders endorsed his candidature over the weekend.

The elders, led by former Nyando MP Otieno Karan, said elders and opinion leaders from the Kano clan had resolved to support Oron for the gubernatorial seat.

“Ne wantiere e bura ka kod office mar Kano motingo jo ridocom kod ogache ma Kano kod opinion leaders. Adwaro wacho ni kaka office mar Kano wakalo gi kauli achiel ni wan Dr Oron ema wadhi godo manyo kom mar governor. Kanitie jok moko ma owuok kendo ok watamo gi. To Kano osewuoyo ni Oron ema wadhi godo manyo kom. (We held a consultative meeting as officials, elders, and opinion leaders of Kano and unanimously agreed to support Dr Oron for governor. If there are other aspiring candidates, we will not stop them, but Kano clan has made its decision that we support Oron for governor).”

And yesterday, Matengo claimed that Dr Oron was discriminating against UDA members in the empowerment funds drive for traders in Kisumu, which is supposed to be presided over by CS Treasury John Mbadi.

But later, Matengo was captured in a video clip storming a meeting that was organizing the empowerment drive and causing chaos.

Oron condemned the incident and demanded police action, saying political hooliganism should not be encouraged in the county.

“This was uncalled for. What Nyaramba did today was actually wrong — invading people’s gathering while they were discussing matters of their interest, in which she wasn’t involved. The county government and the police should take quick action to save traders from constant harassment ahead of the 2027 elections,” he said.

Oron said he was least bothered by Obura’s entry into the race because he resonates well with voters and is optimistic of victory.

“I have been on the ground and the people have decided. Go to the ground and you will find the answer. I will win this race. I am least worried by detractors. My eyes are on the ball,” he said.

But Obura, while on a campaign trail in Nyalenda, said his development record speaks for itself and warned his opponents that he has the financial muscles to run them down during campaigns.

“Ngata ngata ma dwaro kom governor ka idwaro gonyo jopiny kod mia, mano aiyie dog e MCA. Ka idwaro gonyo ja piny kod Sh 200 dog e MP. To mar governor matin mogik obed mia 500. Wadwaro ni wach gono obed gima tin mogik ma watieko godo bang ka waswacho development. An achung kod UDA. (Anyone who wants the gubernatorial seat should be prepared not to give voters Sh 100. If you can only afford Sh 100, kindly go for MCA seat. If you can only afford Sh 200, go for MP. For governor, the minimum you can give voters is Sh 500 going forward. This is the game I know how to play. I am the only candidate at the moment. I will run on a UDA ticket; the others are still waiting for nomination),” he said.

Sibling rivalry is a common feature among the people of Kano. In the 2017 ODM nomination, the first Governor Jack Ranguma faced off with Dr Hezron MacOmbewa. The party later gave the ticket to Prof Anyang’ Nyong’o in a controversial exercise.

Ranguma had to face the wrath of his cousin, then Nyando MP Fred Outa, and Patrick Ouya, who teamed up to deliver victory to Nyong’o.

And Kano is back to its usual sibling rivalry once again, with Ranguma, Oron, and Obura expected to be on the ballot for the gubernatorial seat.

COURT GRANTS ABALA WANGA REPRIEVE AFTER EACC SUMMONS ROW

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By James Okoth

Kisumu City Manager Michael Abala Wanga on Monday secured temporary reprieve after the Anti-Corruption Court in Milimani allowed his urgent application challenging the manner in which the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) had summoned him over graft-related charges.

In a ruling delivered by Senior Principal Magistrate Celesa Asis Okore, the court noted that Wanga had not been properly served with summons to appear before the Commission for questioning and recording of statements, contrary to fair procedure.

The decision came after Wanga personally appeared before the court, accompanied by his lawyer, to affirm his availability and compliance. His application, filed under a Certificate of Urgency on November 17, 2025, sought to halt any adverse action arising from alleged non-attendance before the anti-graft body.

Magistrate Okore observed that the photographic printouts and documents annexed to Wanga’s affidavit offered reasonable explanations for his whereabouts during the days in question.

“It appears to this court that the applicant was not properly served with the summons to appear before the EACC,” the magistrate ruled.

“The accused may not have been aware of the processes that may have taken place before Court 4 in ACC No. 63 of 2025 and ACC No. 64 of 2025, where charges had already been registered for his appearance.” The court further noted.

In what amounts to a procedural lifeline, the court granted Wanga a personal bond of Kshs. 500,000 pending his formal appearance before Court No. 4 on November 25, 2025, where he is expected to explain himself and take plea.

“It is only fair and just to grant the applicant a chance to appear before the Honourable Magistrate presiding over Court No. 4 to explain himself and be granted a chance to be heard before any substantial orders can be made,” the ruling stated.

The matter will be mentioned on November 25, 2025, for confirmation of compliance and closure of the miscellaneous file.

The ruling follows weeks of friction between Wanga and the anti-corruption watchdog, which had reportedly issued him with multiple summons over alleged abuse of office and irregular employment decisions at Kisumu City Hall.

Sources close to the investigation indicate that the EACC has been pursuing leads into procurement irregularities and conflict of interest claims tied to the city manager’s office, allegations Wanga has vehemently denied.

Wanga, who recorded statements with police earlier this month, insists the investigations are politically instigated and that due process has been flouted in the rush to charge him.

The court’s directive now effectively shields him from immediate arrest or coercive action until he presents himself before the trial magistrate next week.

HISTORY REPEATED, IT IS A TUSSLE OVER ODM JUST AS IT WAS WITH FORD KENYA

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By Billy Mijungu

Although the circumstances differ, the spirit of the moment feels familiar. When Jaramogi Oginga Odinga died, Raila Odinga rose from Kibera MP intending to take over Ford Kenya. He did not succeed, but the tension and energy of that period created the political force that ultimately shaped his rise as the undisputed leader of the Luo community.

Raila later resigned from Ford Kenya and formed the National Development Party. In doing so, he walked away from his father’s loyalists and built his own political identity. In 1994 he had limited resources, but he had the people, and that bond became his greatest power.

Today the script mirrors that era in striking ways. Winnie Odinga, almost at the same midterm point when her father left Ford Kenya, has ignited a leadership debate within ODM. She may not need to resign or form a new vehicle because the terrain is more favourable. The family possesses strong financial capacity and maintains structural control of the party.

Another circumstance shaping today’s politics is the necessity for ODM to pull together with clear purpose. For the opposition to meaningfully challenge President William Ruto, ODM must unify. Ironically, the President has become the star player in today’s ODM politics. His dominance, political maneuvers and influence shape ODM’s internal alignments more than any internal factor.

Winnie must also understand a deeper complexity of this moment: today’s ODM troops are divided between Government largesse and Odm Odinga loyalty. It is a party torn between survival and principle. That division defines the battlefield she must walk into. Her father’s loyalists will not naturally want her to replace him ahead of themselves. That is the nature of political inheritance. She will need to dismantle the old guard, weaken their networks and deliberately build new power centres if she hopes to emerge as the true Queenpin of the movement.

It is clear she has stepped into the leadership contest, and Oburu Odinga is guiding a transition unlike the era when Wamalwa Kijana took over Ford Kenya.

Raila avoided National Delegates Conferences after an attempted hijack of ODM witnessed by Morgan Tsvangirai. This remains a valuable lesson for Winnie. NDCs can become unpredictable. Build momentum, cause a storm if necessary, but secure leadership through the National Governing Council and the ODM Central Committee.

History has shown that delegates meetings can quickly descend into chaos, as Ford Kenya’s Thika meeting once did. The more things change, the more they remain the same.

Could MDG Pull Another Surprise in the Kasipul By-election Through Okeyo

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By Anderson Ojwang

Ugenya MP David Ouma Ochieng has successfully sprung surprises on the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) by winning the area parliamentary seat in the 2020 by-election through his party, Movement for Democracy and Growth (MDG).

Ochieng successfully challenged the election of ODM’s Chris Karan, and in the subsequent by-election, he won by 18,730 votes against Karan’s 14,507.

In the 2022 general election, Ochieng maintained his dominance over ODM by easily winning with 25,520 votes against David Odhiambo, who got 22,828.

Ochieng can be said to have successfully defied the ODM wave by being elected on his own party ticket in a region that overwhelmingly votes a six-piece from president to member of county assembly.

Currently, Ochieng is extending his political tentacles from Siaya County to Homa Bay County, where the party is presenting a candidate.

The MDG candidate, Mr. Collins Okeyo, who was previously viewed as an outsider in the contest and was not rated among the two front runners, is changing the political landscape of the constituency.

Okeyo is emerging as a surprise candidate who may win the by-election scheduled for November 27th.

Okeyo has embarked on the campaign strategies and tactics his boss employed to win the Ugenya by-election and the subsequent election.

Okeyo, a soft-spoken businessman, is viewed as the alternative to the two front runners—Boyd Were of ODM and Philip Aroko, an Independent candidate.

Okeyo resonates well with the electorate because he comes from a very humble background, and they easily identify with him.

“I have been engaged in various projects and drilled water boreholes in the constituency and participated in education and other development programs in the area,” he said.

Okeyo said his campaigns have been peaceful and his main agenda is to end violence and create a conducive environment in Kasipul to allow for economic growth and development.

“I preach peace in my campaigns. I am a Christian, and that foundation requires me to be a peacemaker. We must have a peaceful Kasipul for prosperity,” he said.

While his opponents have been engaged in rallies, Okeyo has been conducting a door-to-door campaign in all the polling stations.

Kasipul Constituency has five wards, namely: Central Kasipul with 15,475 voters, East Kamagak 9,074, South Kasipul 14,318, West Kamagak 14,342, and West Kasipul 15,043.

Okeyo comes from West Kasipul and is the only candidate from the ward. Philip Aroko and Robert Riaga come from East Kamagak, while Boyd Were comes from Central Kasipul. Rateng Otiende and Robert Ouko come from South Kasipul. West Kamagak, with 14,342 voters, has no candidate and will be the determiner and battleground.

In the history of Kasipul and Kasipul Kabondo constituencies, West Kasipul Ward has never produced an MP, while Central produced James Mbori in the larger Kasipul Kabondo; East Kamagak produced Oyugi Magwanga; and South Kasipul produced the late William Oloo Otula and Eng. Peter Owidi for the larger Kasipul Kabondo.

The area has, in recent times, been hard hit by political violence that left two people dead.

Subsequently, IEBC has summoned candidates for the by-election to appear before it over rampant political violence in the area.

“We as a commission were notified about violence in Kasipul. We dispatched our investigation team to the ground. They have concluded their investigation. We will summon those candidates in Kasipul to appear before the commission. Breaches of the code of conduct will be penalized,” said the chairman Erastus Edung Ethekon.

Recently, Deputy President Prof. Kindiki Kithure and Internal Security Permanent Secretary Dr. Raymond Omollo declared support for ODM candidate Boyd Were.

At an empowerment funds drive at Sikri in Kasipul, Kindiki and Omollo rallied the electorate to support Boyd as the Broad-Based candidate.

Omollo wrote on his X handle:
“Together with Deputy President Kindiki Kithure, we joined the people and regional leadership of Homa Bay County, led by Governor Gladys Wanga, for a resource mobilization and women empowerment drive in Kasipul Constituency.
The meeting also underscored the spirit of the Broad-Based Government, as leaders expressed unity of purpose while rallying behind ODM candidate Boyd Were within a framework of inclusivity and national cohesion.”

The move by the Deputy President and Omollo to support the ODM candidate threw the UDA leadership and fraternity under the bus and left them orphaned in the by-election.

The grumpy UDA activist Odoyo Owidi and his team, who had been leading the onslaught on Wanga and Boyd, were left stranded by the unfolding political scenario. They are yet to visit Kasipul to campaign.

Odoyo and the late MP, the slain Charles Ongondo Were (the father to Boyd, the ODM candidate), never saw eye to eye, and the decision by the top government leadership to support Boyd has left them punctured and headless.

Odoyo and Ongondo were both ODM aspirants for Kasipul in the 2022 general election, but the party issued a direct ticket to Ongondo, which did not amuse Odoyo.

Will Ochieng make another surprise in Kasipul and potentially become the main competitor to ODM in Nyanza?

Orengo Traps ODM Rightists and PS Omollo Into a Pig Fight, Bolts Out

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By Anderson Ojwang

When Alego MP Sam Atandi asked Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s young Turks to retire from politics and allow youthful leaders to take over, it never occurred to him that he was stirring a pig and street fight.

For Siaya Governor James Orengo, who grudgingly supported the broad-based government after he was boxed into it through intense pressure, has finally bolted out.

Orengo, the diehard political activist and streetwise politician, has shed off his calm demeanor after the demise of Raila Odinga and returned to his true colours — and now he is ready for a pig fight.

“Our community has had politicians who have been around since Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. They were with Jaramogi when he was alive. They were trying to help Jaramogi become president — they failed. Then Raila Amolo Odinga adopted them; they tried to help Raila become president. They also failed.
Now that Raila Amolo Odinga has moved on, they still want to give us direction. I want to tell those politicians that your time is up. You will not give us direction now. Now we have a team of young, competent leaders.
We have been leaders since university, and I want to tell you that when we were in the university, we schemed politics. We were never defeated. Throughout my life in campus, we ensured one of us was the president of the student union.
How come in national politics we have never succeeded?

If there is any leader who thinks of any partnership apart from that with William Ruto, then he is deluded,” Atandi said.

Orengo waited patiently to respond to Atandi’s attack and chose the right location — Mombasa during the ODM 20th anniversary — and in his characteristic fashion, he caused a storm and uproar.

Orengo said:

“There is no way ODM can mbeleza Ruto. I can tell you. But if ODM is strong and you stand on the basis of your leader Raila Amolo Odinga, he wanted a strong and free country. We must fight everywhere.
For me, if there are cowards, don’t sell fear to us. We are prepared to go back to the streets. Me, James Orengo, I am prepared to go back to the streets.
Which government killed Ojwang’? When Raila agreed to form a government together with President Mwai Kibaki, it was constitutionalized.
It was not through an MoU. An MoU is not as good as a marriage certificate. An MoU is not a legal document and is not enforceable. It is not registrable under the Political Parties Act.
What remains is to ask you, the youths — how many of you are prepared to fight for the people? How many of you are prepared to fight like Raila?”

And from that, it was an all-out fight, with Internal Security Permanent Secretary Dr Raymond Omollo saying they were ready for a head-to-head political contest.

“Wa se wacho wach Kenya kendo ma thurwa ka. Jok manigi yor gi moro ok waluoro gi (We have spoken about the country and our community. If some people have their separate political path, we do not fear them).
We are ready to go head to head. Candidate gi no gi kele, gi use marwa ni bende wausi (Let them bring their candidate and we bring ours and sell to the electorates. Then ji oradi — let’s face off).

The idea of conmanship and deceit in our politics must end.
Ok inyal bed oni gi odichieng’ idwa nyisowa kaka idwa siemo wang’ jotelo to in kata gima isetimo gimoro achiel kuma omiyie thuolo to oonge (You cannot pretend to criticize leaders during the day yet you have done nothing for your people).

Ka piny olil, to jatelo no ema pod ichako iluori e toké, ichako secho mondo omiyi gimoro mondo okonyi nikech gima inyalo siemo ma isetimo ne jothuru onge (At night, you sneak to the same president you criticized during the day to ask for help because you have no development record).

So the point is — your days are numbered.
Nitiere joma osewuondo ji e thurwa ka higni gi higni ma giparo ni koro ji ofuwo sana (There are people who have deceived the community for ages thinking we are stupid).

So nyis joma itelo negi gima isetimo negi.
Ne isecho mondo ogèr ni hospital, ne isecho mondo oger ni otuek, ni stadium kato ipukori.
Nikech koro iyudo ji makowi, koro ibukori ni idwa siemo wang’ President (Tell your people what you have done — you were begging for a hospital and a stadium, and now you turn around to criticize the president).”

Homa Bay MP Opondo Kaluma, a rightist, wrote on his X handle:
“That stick Kalonzo gave Governor Orengo in Bondo was ‘kamuti.’ Orengo has been saying some very strange things since then.”

Former ODM deputy party leader and Cabinet Secretary Hassan Joho said they will remain in the broad-based government.

“Do not be threatened and scared by people who don’t speak on behalf of the party. Not everybody should be a spokesman. If you look at Gladys Wanga, is she someone to be threatened or scared?
What about Dr Oburu? Who are you to speak if these leaders have not spoken?
You must understand that Baba loved all of us — from the Coast to the Lake.
He accommodated us and listened to our views, and that is why we loved him.
You cannot force us to love someone. We only love the lovable,”
he said.

In this pig fight, Orengo has nothing to lose, while his opponents have everything to lose — and the Governor may just go back to his old tricks to trap the loyalists in an endless charade.

Why kisumu CS, Finance CEC, CFO and old PSB board may face prosecution over employment of Kisumu City Manager Abala Wanga

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By our team

The saga surrounding the employment of Kisumu City Manager Michael Abala Wanga is more than an administrative mishap. It is a vivid portrait of how impunity grows when public officers treat institutions as suggestions instead of systems.

At the heart of the controversy lies open disregard for the rule of law. The former Kisumu County Public Service Board (PSB) had declined to renew Wanga’s contract, citing legitimate concerns about his qualifications. That decision should have been final.

Instead, senior county officials including the County Secretary, Finance CEC, Chief Finance Officer, and members of the old PSB allegedly defied the board’s directive and kept Wanga in office. Their actions amount to a calculated abuse of authority.

Reports now show that Wanga’s salary was processed through payment vouchers rather than the official payroll system. This points to deliberate concealment and financial impropriety. For officers charged with safeguarding public funds, such conduct is inexcusable.

The issue has already drawn the attention of the police. A recorded statement confirms that investigators are treating the irregular employment and payments as potential criminal acts. The real question is who gave the orders and who benefited.

The role of Hongo, the former PSB CEO and now County Secretary, also raises serious questions. His participation in both the board’s decision and its later implementation creates a clear conflict of interest.

This matter is not just about one city manager. It is about the integrity of governance in Kisumu County. When those meant to enforce accountability become the violators, public service collapses into personal interest.

The law is clear. Abuse of office and willful violation of procedure are criminal offenses. The EACC and DPP must act decisively to restore public confidence and protect the principles of integrity and accountability.

Defying lawful institutions is not leadership. It is corruption in authority’s clothing and Kisumu must draw the line.

Our efforts to reach the said officers proved futile as non of our concerns were addressed as texts messages remained unreplied.

The Man Who Came to Reclaim the House He Built

By James Okoth

It was not just a dinner.
It was an unwritten script, a soft coup wrapped in frosting. ODM at twenty, the orange turned mellow
and in walked Ruto, draped not in diplomacy, but in defiance, his UDA yellow shouting through the orange hall like a sermon of conquest.

He stood there as the centre of gravity, centre of story, flanked by Oburu’s age and Wanga’s will,
hands converging on a cake whose colours betrayed the host.

Not orange. Not flame.
But a polished blend of Ruto’s dawn, yellow kissed with power.

Behind him, Winnie stretched, not to reach the cake, but history, the inheritance of a dream now diluted. Anyang’ leaned in, loyal but weary,
as the cameras froze a thousand metaphors into one question:
Whose party was this to celebrate?

Was this grace? Or gall?
Was he reminding them that he, too, once tilled this soil, that before the yellows and hustlers, he watered his roots in orange sap?
Or was it a soft announcement of a rehearsal of return and of
a man circling back to claim the house he once helped build?

ODM, the Orange Democratic Movement, was born out of the 2005 constitutional referendum, a political earthquake that split President Mwai Kibaki’s government.

Ruto, then a youthful Kalenjin power broker and MP for Eldoret North, was among the most active campaigners against the proposed constitution.

The Orange victory in that referendum gave birth to ODM as a political force, united by rebellion against Kibaki’s administration.

When ODM formally took shape as a political party in 2006–2007, Ruto was part of the inner founding team — the “original Orange.”
He served as one of Raila’s key strategists and mobilizers in Rift Valley, carrying both financial and grassroots weight.
His oratory and organizational skill made him a natural bridge between Raila’s Luo base and the Kalenjin bloc that became ODM’s bedrock in 2007.

In that election, Ruto stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Raila in the “Pentagon,” the famous ODM leadership team that also included Najib Balala, Musalia Mudavadi, Joe Nyagah, and Charity Ngilu.
So yes, Ruto was not just a passenger. He was in the cockpit.

Fast-forward to 2025, when Ruto, as sitting President, walks into ODM’s 20th anniversary dinner and says he joined “the founder members of ODM.”
The statement was technically true but politically explosive.

It served multiple purposes:

Historical Reminder: It reminded ODM that he was not an outsider but part of its original story as way of claiming legitimacy over a movement that once rejected him.

Psychological Play: It unsettled ODM’s current leadership by reframing him not as a rival, but as a returning patriarch rewriting memory through optics.

Strategic Signal: By invoking the phrase at a time of visible ODM disunity, Ruto subtly positioned himself as a bridge-builder, hinting that political realignment is not impossible ahead of 2027.

In Kenya’s political culture, where history is both weapon and shield, Ruto’s statement carried layers of irony. The man who once accused Raila of betrayal now stood in his UDA colours at Raila’s historic moment, celebrated by some of Raila’s loyalists and cheered for “honouring the movement.” It was more than nostalgia and a reclamation.

By invoking his founding role, Ruto reframed ODM’s 20-year journey as one that began with him, not against him.

Ruto’s reference was not random rhetoric; it was a calculated move to:

Sow further division in ODM by reviving old loyalties among veterans who once served with him in the original Orange.

Test the waters for a grand realignment, possibly an ODM–UDA understanding built around “shared reformist roots.”

Symbolically disarm Raila’s movement by co-opting its founding memory.

If politics is theatre, then Ruto didn’t just crash ODM’s anniversary but also walked onto stage, reminding everyone that he helped build it and left the audience arguing whether he ever truly left.

Endless Debt Is the New Conduit for Corruption, It shall be our End.

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Endless Debt Is the New Conduit for Corruption, It shall be our End.
By Billy Mijungu

Debt has quietly become a new channel for corruption in Kenya, especially under Section fifty subsection seven paragraph (d) of the PFM Act. This provision allows loan deductions at the source before the money even reaches the Consolidated Fund. It means billions can disappear abroad long before Kenyans see the funds. This loophole removes transparency, weakens accountability and leaves citizens paying for money that never fully arrives. Kenyans are justified in questioning a Parliament that appears unwilling or unable to protect the country from such practices.

Kenya’s slow march toward debt distress is no longer just about borrowing too much. It is about weak institutions that fail to challenge questionable financial decisions. Reports have warned that although Kenya has strong laws on paper, both Parliament and the Treasury Public Debt Management Office lack the technical strength and independence to resist risky and expensive loans. With public debt near 65% of GDP, far above the 55% ceiling Parliament set, the country is slipping deeper into danger. Years of borrowing for infrastructure, recurrent needs and refinancing have created a pile of short term, high interest and high risk loans that now weigh heavily on repayments.

Inside Parliament, the issue is not the absence of oversight tools but the refusal to use them. Members of Parliament have the power to set limits, question budgets and monitor how money is spent. They have access to technical advice, yet much of it is ignored. Committees meant to challenge government borrowing are dulled by political alliances and a muted opposition. Weak parliamentary oversight has allowed reckless borrowing to flourish.

The Treasury debt office struggles with similar challenges. The Public Debt Management Office does not have enough skilled negotiators for complex international loans. This leads to poor negotiation, costly terms and constant refinancing pressure. Strengthening this office, empowering Parliament would help restore discipline. But these reforms depend on leaders accepting limits on politically attractive spending.

Kenyans must now ask why borrowing has become the government’s first instinct. When the World Bank approved a housing loan of Kshs. 170B, it also known that Kenya has surplus out of Kshs 80B Housing levy. Instead of fixing these inefficiencies for deeo absorption, the state is turning the housing levy into a facility to service debt. Even entertaining the idea of borrowing Kshs. 400B upfront.

Kenya has the capacity to retire its debt, yet it is choosing to trade in debt itself. This cycle is worse than inflated tenders. Parliament must be called to order before the country sinks deeper into financial danger.