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Excited Gachagua breaks 45 days of conclave to declare “Operation Fagia Mt Kenya”

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By Anderson Ojwang

Excitement blew former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua out of his 45-day conclave even before the white or black smoke was spotted, back to public engagement.

The green smoke from Ol Kalou momentarily swept Gachagua away, abandoning Wamunyoro for public engagement he had shelved for 45 days.

Reeling from a shock High Court verdict on his impeachment, Gachagua elected to retreat to Wamunyoro to recollect and chart a fresh political path.

The deflated Gachagua remained glued to his Wamunyoro village, meeting delegations one after another while closely monitoring the Ol Kalou by-elections.

In a raft of leadership changes in his DCP, where Nyandarua Senator John Methu was made the party’s acting Secretary General, Gachagua left the fate of his party in the hands of his lieutenants from Nyandarua.

Fearing a repeat of the Mbeere North by-election in Ol Kalou, Gachagua took a low profile and avoided the political risk of Mbeere North, where he led the opposition campaign for the DP candidate Newton Kariuki, who garnered 15,308 votes but lost to UDA candidate Leo Wamuthende, who got 15,802 votes. Deputy President Prof Kithure Kindiki, Gachagua’s successor, mastered his downfall in Mt Kenya politics at the by-election.

Last Thursday, the victory of Sammy Douglas Waweru Ngotho against President William Ruto’s UDA candidate Samuel Muchina Nyagah reawakened Gachagua.

From Friday, Gachagua broke his conclave and was in Ol Kalou for thanksgiving, and on Sunday he was in Kirinyaga County.

The conclave

After the High Court shocker, Gachagua declared a 45-day conclave and was not to attend any public function.

“My supporters have instructed me to urgently embark on the implementation of a strategic stand from my Wamunyoro residence for a period of 45 days. I will camp in Wamunyoro village to start exhaustive and extensive consultation with my supporters and opinion leaders,” he said after the court ruling.

Gachagua said he was asked to engage with utmost priority the identification of a single presidential candidate to face President William Ruto.

“They have asked me to move to Wamunyoro to meet stakeholders, opinion leaders, and other people who matter in our political formation to seek their mandate and authority to initiate negotiations with my co-principals with a view to producing a single presidential candidate,” he said.

“Operation Fagia Mt Kenya”

In Kirinyaga on Sunday, Gachagua declared “Operation Fagia Mt Kenya” against President Ruto’s allies.

Gachagua put on notice all allies of President Ruto in the 2027 general elections in Parliament, the Senate, and County Assemblies.

The impeached Deputy President took the battle a notch higher by declaring that President Ruto should not get any presidential vote in the region.

The agenda of the conclave was aimed at coming up with a formula for identifying a single presidential candidate to face President William Ruto in the 2027 elections.

“The over 5,000 votes the UDA candidate got in Ol Kalou was Muchina’s votes because he is a son of Mt Kenya and not because of Ruto. Ruto must not get 1,000 votes in Kirinyaga County in the 2027 presidential elections,” he said.

Banished Kuria

Gachagua also banished former Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria from the community for allegedly leading Ruto’s agenda in Mt Kenya.

Kuria wrote: “Dear Kenyans. Our King has declared me an outcast from among the Kikuyu community. That means I cannot attend any Church service there. Neither can I go to a wedding nor a funeral. Not a traditional ceremony nor a business meeting within the Kikuyu community. When I come to your community outside Kikuyu land, I beg you accept me. Sina pa kuenda. God will bless you.”

Defections

Gachagua claimed several MPs and government officers in President Ruto’s team have called him to pledge allegiance and wanting to join his camp.

“I have received a telephone call from a Permanent Secretary who wants to be Governor of Nyeri. I told him to visit Wamunyoro during the day. Some of the legislators have also called me that they want to join DCP because the ground is hostile to President Ruto. Let them come to Wamunyoro in the day and defect,” he said.

Stop divisive politics

Deputy President Kithure Kindiki on Sunday told Gachagua to stop divisive politics in Mt Kenya which could alienate the community.

“I don’t want our community to be divided. We are one people. I don’t want to see our community talking different languages. We are one people,” he said.

Kindiki said the age of Mt Kenya unity should not be taken for granted and must be guarded at all cost.

“Long time ago, we were united under one church, ACK, all the way from Kirinyaga to Meru. We were under one diocese, Mt Kenya East, under the leadership of the late Bishop David Gitari. Even in politics, in Mt Kenya we have always been united and we have a long history. So there is nothing that can divide us. Those who think they will divide us should relax,” he said.

Kindiki said as the Deputy President, he will ensure the unity of Mt Kenya and asked Gachagua to stop alienating the community.

“I am the Deputy President, and I will ensure the community walks together. Stop making noise and stop dividing the people. We have not had a presidential election, and that will come next year. I want to assure you that election will be determined by service delivery and not abuses,” he said.

Was Gachagua only waiting for the green smoke from Ol Kalou to crawl out of Wamunyoro to embark on public engagement?

William Ruto’s Biggest Political Challenge May Not Be Who Many Think

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By Alphonse Bernard Otieno

The latest political opinion polls have sparked fresh debate over the evolving dynamics ahead of Kenya’s 2027 General Election. If the recent TIFA survey accurately reflects the current political mood, then President William Ruto faces a challenge that goes beyond individual opposition figures. The emerging issue is no longer simply Rigathi Gachagua, Kalonzo Musyoka, or Dr Fred Matiang’i. Increasingly, political attention is turning to Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna.

The first TIFA poll suggests a significant shift within the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). According to the survey, the Linda Mwananchi faction associated with Edwin Sifuna commands approximately 74% support among ODM supporters, while the Linda Ground faction linked to Oburu Odinga attracts about 26%. If these findings accurately represent grassroots opinion, they indicate that a substantial majority of ODM supporters currently favour a more confrontational opposition approach rather than political cooperation with the Kenya Kwanza administration.

This is more than an internal party contest. It suggests that many ODM supporters are demanding a stronger opposition voice. In this political environment, Edwin Sifuna increasingly appears to embody that expectation.

The second TIFA poll presents another interesting picture. President William Ruto reportedly leads individual presidential preference ratings with 24% support. While this places him ahead of individual competitors, Kenya’s Constitution requires a presidential candidate to secure more than 50% of all valid votes cast (50% + 1 vote) to win in the first round.

Political analysts therefore argue that individual popularity alone may not determine the outcome. Coalition-building remains the decisive factor.

Current opposition figures—including Kalonzo Musyoka, Rigathi Gachagua, and Dr Fred Matiang’i—already command substantial support. Should Edwin Sifuna’s political influence translate into additional electoral backing for a united opposition coalition, analysts believe the combined numbers could potentially exceed the constitutional threshold required for victory.

This explains why Sifuna’s political significance is attracting increasing attention. His influence lies not necessarily in being the single largest political figure, but in his potential ability to consolidate opposition support and unite different voting blocs.

The TIFA findings also raise important questions about ODM’s future political direction. If grassroots supporters overwhelmingly favour a firm opposition stance, then leaders like Wanga, Mbadi, Dr Oburu Odinga, Wandayi, and others who are advocating cooperation with the government may find it increasingly difficult to mobilise the party’s traditional support base.

For President Ruto, the strategic challenge extends beyond defeating individual rivals. The greater concern would be preventing the emergence of a cohesive opposition coalition capable of uniting diverse regional and political interests under one presidential candidate.

Conversely, for the opposition, maintaining unity remains the greatest test. Kenya’s political history demonstrates that fragmented opposition movements often struggle against an incumbent government, while united coalitions significantly improve their electoral prospects.

Whether Edwin Sifuna ultimately becomes part of such a coalition remains uncertain. Equally uncertain is whether President Ruto’s political strategy will seek to neutralise or engage influential opposition figures through dialogue or other political arrangements. Such possibilities remain matters of political speculation rather than established fact.

As the 2027 General Election approaches, one observation appears increasingly evident: the contest may not simply be about who leads the opinion polls today, but about who succeeds in building the broadest political coalition tomorrow. In Kenyan politics, elections are rarely won by individual popularity alone—they are won through numbers, alliances, organisation, and voter turnout.

Fatal blow: ODM in tatters as Linda Mwananchi breaks away, to register the outfit, while 36 county coordinators cross over to the group

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By Anderson Ojwang

In Chinua Achebe’s book Things Fall Apart, he wrote that when the centre can no longer hold, things fall apart. Indeed, the soul of Kenya’s most popular party is at the brink.

Things are falling apart in the late Raila Amolo Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) nine months after his death, and Kenya’s biggest opposition party is fast sliding into the abyss.

Raila’s treasure, ODM, has finally split into two, with Linda Ground aligning with President William Ruto and the broad-based government, while Linda Mwananchi is joining hands with the opposition against Ruto in the 2027 presidential contest.

The Siaya Senator Dr Oburu Oginga-led ODM is in tatters, and the soul and creed of the party, which Raila’s daughter Winnie Odinga mourned, has been desecrated.

The declaration

In Taita Taveta, the Linda Mwananchi spokesperson, Caroli Omondi, announced the breakaway from ODM to Linda Mwananchi.

“It is now become necessary that we break the bond that we have had with ODM. It is now time to break away from ODM. It is time to go separate ways. We will remain to watch over the people,” he said.

Caroli explained to the public why they were walking away from ODM, saying the leadership had betrayed Raila and his ideals.

“We must tell the world why we are breaking away. ODM has become destructive to the welfare of the Kenyan people. ODM has betrayed not just Raila but the ideals that Raila stood for. For this reason, we are now walking out of ODM, and we are now asking all Kenyans who have walked the journey with Raila Amolo Odinga to now come and join Linda Mwananchi,” he said.

Caroli said the ODM party was breaking the legacy of Raila and the community of support he had built.

“Raila built a community of supporters all over the country, from the Coast, Western Kenya, Turkana, Central, North Eastern, and everywhere. Today, ODM has broken relationships with everybody and instead they are concentrating on supporting a government that is collapsing and doesn’t have a future,” he said.

Registration

Caroli also told the public that the group had made an application for the registration of Linda Mwananchi as a political party.

“The application has been made. I am telling the Registrar of Political Parties that you have no right under Section 8 of the Political Parties Act to deny us the right to use Linda Mwananchi,” he said.

Declare war

Caroli warned the Registrar of Political Parties not to interfere with the registration of the outfit.

“I want to tell President William Ruto to stop telling the Registrar of Political Parties not to register Linda Mwananchi as a political party,” he said.

Caroli said the group leadership will visit the offices of the Registrar of Political Parties to engage over the registration.

“And we are coming to your office this week, and if you do not approve that name, Raila Amolo taught us what to do. We will get our name. You will not intimidate us. We will not be beaten, and we will not be cowed,” he warned.

County coordinators

On Friday, it was a fatal blow to Oburu’s Linda Ground team after 36 county coordinators ditched it for Siaya Governor James Orengo, Edwin Sifuna, and Babu Owino-led Linda Mwananchi.

Orengo wrote: “Linda Mwananchi is unstoppable. Today we stood with 36 ODM county coordinators who have rejected Linda Ground. Linda Mwananchi is the final, uncompromised home of the true spirit of the late Raila Odinga,” he wrote.

Orengo said the Oburu faction has lost its soul and that the decisions in the faction and party were no longer being made at Chungwa House.

Caroli said: “If you are the chairman of ODM in any part of the country, change the colours to Linda Mwananchi. The 36 county chairmen and coordinators are now in Linda Mwananchi, out of the 47 counties.”

The immediate former ODM Secretary General Sifuna said county coordinators were Raila’s trusted and main political bloodline, and it was a milestone for the Linda Mwananchi wing.

“The people you see here are Raila Amolo Odinga’s grassroots soldiers. I know that for a fact, because I remain Raila’s last Secretary General, and I have worked with these gentlemen for a decade,” he said.

Sifuna said the group has the network and are the political foundation and were responsible for Raila’s relevance in the country.

“I can assure you that there is no stronger team in the country than these gentlemen you see behind us here. I have seen them, and their names are synonymous with Baba, Raila,” he said.

Sifuna commended the coordinators for standing by the ideals and legacy of Raila.

“We have worked together for a long time to bring about the dream that Baba stood for. We are honoured and humbled that you have resisted all the trappings of power and wealth that we see being exhibited on the other side, and you decided to be the carriers of Raila’s dream for the benefit of the people of Kenya,” he said.

Tatters: Who told you?

In October, during Raila’s first anniversary, Oburu will present to his brother a shattered political party – ODM limping to its grave and playing a fiddle role in the country’s political landscape.

Oburu will be hard-pressed to explain to his brother his last words: “Who told you ODM will not have a presidential candidate?”

In Linda Mwananchi, they will present a presidential candidate to Raila and actualise his dream.

Why President Ruto must not fall into Odinga’s trap in Mt Kenya, chart a new political path

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By Anderson Ojwang

President William Ruto will have to finally come to the harsh reality that Mt Kenya has rebelled and walked away from him.

The vote for Ruto’s presidential quest in the 2022 general elections was not out of love but lack of an alternative, as on the other side of the coin was the community’s black sheep, the late Raila Amolo Odinga.

The Odingas – the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Raila – spent decades in a wild chase of Mt Kenya votes after they supported the community to arrive at the presidency.

At independence, Jaramogi declined to lead Kenya to independence and instead vouched for the release of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta to lead the country to independence.

In a fallout between Kenyatta and Oginga, the former led the community into oath-taking against the latter, never to allow leadership to go to the lake region.

Raila in 2002 returned the leadership to Mt Kenya after he supported the election of the late Mwai Kibaki to be the third president.

Ruto in the trenches

President Ruto finds himself in the same situation the Odingas have been in for decades, and the Ol Kalou by-election is just the tip of the iceberg of what awaits him in the 2027 presidential election.

In Ruto’s administration, Mt Kenya occupies the majority of the positions, with seven Cabinet Secretaries, including Deputy President Kithure Kindiki, and 15 Principal Secretaries.

While Ruto’s Kalenjin community has only three Cabinet Secretaries and 11 Principal Secretaries.

At the Ol Kalou by-election, President Ruto, through his representatives in Mt Kenya, delivered goods but failed to sway the electorate to vote for the UDA candidate, losing and managing only 13 percent of the votes cast.

Democracy and development won

According to former Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria, the Ol Kalou by-election was a situation where democracy and development won.

Kuria telephoned the DCP candidate and the winner, Kamau Ngotho, to congratulate him for the victory.

“This morning I have called MP Elect Hon Kamau Ngotho to congratulate him for his resounding victory. The people of Ol Kalou have spoken, and it is clear that Hon Ngotho has the overwhelming support of the people of Ol Kalou,” he wrote on his social media platforms.

Kuria, who was also in charge of coordinating development in Ol Kalou, assured the MP-elect that the projects would be implemented in full.

“As the person who was coordinating development projects in Ol Kalou on behalf of the government, I have assured Hon Ngotho that NONE of the projects will stop,” he wrote.

The projects included the construction of Nyandarua University, tarmacking of Ithagani-Nyaituga-Ngorika-Kanyiriti, and tarmacking of Lake Olbolosat access road.

Others are the Nairobi-Gilgil-Ol Kalou-Nyahururu railway line, all 36 electrification projects will be completed including metering for those already connected, Central Rift Water Works Agency and Ol Kalou Water Company will continue connecting homes to water sources using the pipes provided, and the 20,000 LPG gas cylinders will be refilled at retail shops in Ol Kalou to be designated by the National Oil Company of Kenya.

The projects included the 100,000 avocado seedlings, Ol Kalou dairy and the beneficiaries of the NYOTA programme, 1,000 hectares of land that has started benefiting from irrigation at Gwa Kiongo Dam, and the Blue Economy projects in Gwa Kiongo, Githunguri and Lake Ol Bolosat, including the now famous fishing boats.

The Land Registry in Ol Kalou, the issuance of title deeds to colonial villages including Moa Farm and the attendant succession will continue. The Mashujaa Wing in JM Kariuki Hospital will be completed, and Ol Kalou Stadium, which is underway, will be completed.

Other projects include all the affordable housing projects, including the NHC project and the hostels at Rurii TVET, which will be completed; all markets under modernisation, including Ol Kalou retail market, Ol Kalou wholesale market and Mirangine modern markets, will be completed and handed over to the owners; the 5 ward-based Digital Hubs will remain operational; the Smartboards and laptop teaching, and all the youths employed on the Climate Work programme will continue until the end of their contractual period.

“In a nutshell, both democracy and development will win because elections are not a matter of life and death,” he wrote.

Accept and move on

Kapseret MP Oscar Sudi acknowledged the loss of Mt Kenya votes but expressed optimism that Ruto could replace them from other regions and vote blocks, saying the loss will have no effect on the presidential election.

“Let’s all calm down and stop making wild proclamations like Gachagua, who just said he will mobilise Molima’s 7M votes against Ruto in 2027. 7 Million!? From where? Last time I checked, Molima’s TOTAL votes cast in 2022 (for both Raila and Ruto) was 3.8 million… I have included ALL the votes in cosmopolitan counties like Nakuru, Laikipia and Kiambu, to counterbalance the Nairobi votes (which are give or take 500k votes cast – 67% of the approximate 800k Nairobi Molima voters). Post-2022, IEBC has registered about 527,000 new voters in Molima counties. So, long arithmetic simplified, there is no universe where Gachagua gives anyone above 4M votes, even assuming they vote 100% for his preferred presidential ticket. Maths don’t lie, Wamunyoros do. PS: One of the tricks Wamunyoros normally use to shore up their numbers and create an artificial ‘tuko wengi’ perception is they usually compare their REGISTERED votes total against other regions’ votes CAST. It is not uncommon to hear them say ‘Sisi tuko na kura million saba, na nyinyi hamna kura, mlipigia Raila kura blah blah.’ That trick won’t work anymore… We now compare Registered vs Registered, and Cast vs Cast… WAOL,” he wrote.

Crack the whip

For President Ruto, he will have to make a painful decision: either to crack the whip and give some of the positions to a new bride, or continue to be in a wild goose chase for Mt Kenya votes.

$900 Million for Clean Cooking in Africa: Where Will the Money Go—and Are African Projects Ready?

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By Simon Okola
C.E.O/ Lead Consultant, Agenda Beyond Borders

Africa has received another major clean-finance signal.

On 9 July 2026, the International Energy Agency announced $900 million in new financial commitments for clean cooking in Africa. The new commitments build on the $2.2 billion mobilised at the inaugural Summit on Clean Cooking in Africa in 2024, bringing the combined commitments associated with the two processes to approximately $3.1 billion.

This is encouraging. But it is important to understand precisely what has been announced.

The $900 million is not one central fund sitting in a single account. It represents a collection of public- and private-sector commitments that will probably be delivered through different governments, development banks, investment funds, companies, results-based financing facilities, and country programmes.

It is also a commitment—not yet a disbursement.

The real climate-finance question is therefore not only how much has been promised. It is where the money will flow, how quickly it will be deployed, which technologies will be prioritised, and whether African institutions have projects ready to absorb it.

Africa’s clean-cooking challenge in numbers

Nearly one billion people in Africa still lack access to clean cooking. Across sub-Saharan Africa, only approximately 23% of the population had access to clean cooking in 2024. Almost 12 million people gained access that year, three times the annual rate recorded in 2010. Yet population growth moved even faster, meaning the number of people without clean cooking still increased by approximately 14 million.

This is the uncomfortable reality: Africa is making progress, but the access gap is still expanding.

The consequences extend far beyond the kitchen.

Polluting cooking practices expose households to smoke from wood, charcoal, crop waste, animal dung, kerosene and other fuels. Globally, household air pollution was responsible for an estimated 2.9 million premature deaths in 2021, with women and children carrying a disproportionate share of the burden.

In Africa, the lack of clean cooking is associated with approximately 815,000 premature deaths annually. Women and girls spend an average of around four hours each day gathering fuel and cooking, reducing the time available for education, paid work, enterprise and community participation. Traditional cooking practices are also connected to the loss of approximately 1.3 million hectares of forest each year.

The 2026 IEA assessment estimates that traditional cooking methods generate approximately 1.2 billion tonnes of carbon-dioxide-equivalent emissions annually through direct emissions and forest degradation—comparable to emissions from international aviation and shipping combined.

Clean cooking is therefore simultaneously a health, gender, climate, forestry, energy-security, and economic-development issue.

How significant is the new $900 million?

The IEA estimates that closing Africa’s clean-cooking gap requires approximately $4 billion in investment every year.

Against that requirement, the new $900 million represents approximately:

  • 22.5% of one year’s required investment
  • The equivalent of about 2.7 months of Africa’s annual clean-cooking financing requirement
  • Approximately $225 million per year if distributed evenly over four years

The combined $3.1 billion in commitments from 2024 and 2026 is equivalent to approximately 77.5% of one year’s required investment.

These numbers reveal both the importance and the limitation of the announcement.

Nine hundred million dollars is substantial. But it does not close Africa’s clean-cooking financing gap. If distributed over several years, its annual contribution will represent only a relatively small portion of the investment required each year.

The commitment must therefore be used as catalytic capital—funding that reduces risk, prepares markets, and mobilises additional public, commercial, and household investment.

What happened to the previous $2.2 billion?

The encouraging news is that some of the earlier commitments are already moving.

By the end of May 2026, approximately $740 million of the $2.2 billion committed in 2024 had been disbursed across almost 30 African countries. More than 40% of public-sector commitments and about one-third of private-sector commitments had been delivered.

Approximately three-quarters of the disbursed financing went directly into country-level projects and investments.

Kenya received the largest share, accounting for approximately 19% of the disbursed financing. If that percentage is applied to the reported $740 million, it represents roughly $141 million. Uganda, Tanzania and South Africa each received around 7%, equivalent to approximately $52 million per country. These calculated amounts are estimates because the percentages published by the IEA are rounded.

This does not mean the new $900 million will follow the same country distribution. However, it demonstrates an important climate-finance principle:

Countries with stronger policies, clearer pipelines, functioning delivery institutions, and credible private-sector partners are more likely to attract and absorb financing.

Funding follows readiness.

Where is the new money likely to go?

The complete country-by-country and programme-by-programme allocation of the new $900 million has not yet been publicly detailed. However, the deployment pattern of the earlier commitments provides a reasonable basis for constructing an indicative projection.

If the new financing follows approximately the same allocation pattern as the first round, it could look like this:

1. Cookstoves, cylinders and household equipment

Around two-thirds of previous disbursements went towards the distribution and installation of end-use equipment.

Applying that proportion to $900 million suggests that approximately $600 million could support cookstoves, cylinders, electric-cooking appliances, and household installation costs.

This is likely to include LPG stoves, improved biomass systems, electric pressure cookers, induction cookers, biogas systems, and bioethanol technologies, depending on national conditions.

2. Technical assistance and market development

Approximately 14% of previous disbursements supported technical assistance and market development.

Applied to the new commitment, this would represent approximately $126 million.

This funding could support:

  • National clean-cooking strategies
  • Market assessments
  • Consumer-awareness campaigns
  • Regulatory and standards development
  • Institutional capacity building
  • Project preparation
  • Gender and social-inclusion systems
  • Monitoring, reporting and verification

This component is especially important because many countries do not suffer from an absence of technologies. They suffer from weak institutions, fragmented markets, and poorly prepared projects.

3. Investment funds and clean-cooking companies

Around 13% of earlier financing went into investment funds and direct stakes in clean-cooking companies.

Applying that share to $900 million would produce approximately $117 million for working capital, equity, concessional finance, guarantees, and enterprise expansion.

African clean-cooking businesses frequently struggle to secure patient capital. They must finance inventory, establish distribution networks, develop payment systems, provide after-sales services, and survive the time between equipment delivery and results-based payments.

Commercial finance alone is often too expensive or too short-term for these business models.

4. Infrastructure

Approximately 7% of previous disbursements supported infrastructure.

A similar allocation would provide roughly $63 million for LPG storage, bottling facilities, electricity distribution, biofuel production, warehousing, transport, and last-mile distribution.

The actual infrastructure requirement could be considerably higher.

Sub-Saharan Africa currently has around 800,000 tonnes of LPG storage capacity, with at least another 250,000 tonnes under construction. The region has also expanded pellet manufacturing and bioethanol production, while approximately 20 major cookstove manufacturing facilities are operating across the continent. Existing manufacturers have announced plans that could double production capacity.

Without infrastructure, household-level subsidies will not produce a sustained transition. A stove without affordable, reliable fuel quickly becomes an unused asset.

5. LPG and alternative technologies

Nearly half of previous summit disbursements supported LPG-related solutions. If the same pattern continued, as much as $450 million of the new commitments could be associated with LPG infrastructure, equipment, and market development.

However, LPG cannot be Africa’s only clean-cooking strategy.

Approximately 30% of globally traded seaborne LPG passes through the Strait of Hormuz. Recent disruptions demonstrated how imported-fuel dependency can expose households to international supply and price shocks.

A resilient African clean-cooking strategy therefore requires a diversified portfolio that includes electric cooking, LPG, biogas, bioethanol, and high-performing biomass technologies where appropriate.

How many people could the $900 million reach?

The number of beneficiaries will depend on technology, geography, subsidy levels, infrastructure costs, household contributions, and the share of financing used for direct equipment deployment.

However, it is possible to construct an illustrative projection.

A World Bank-supported clean-cooking programme in Uganda combines $10 million from the Energy Sector Management Assistance Program with $10 million from the International Development Association. The project aims to provide 353,000 clean-cooking solutions benefiting more than 1.6 million people. That represents approximately $12.50 in programme financing per intended beneficiary, although this figure should not be treated as a universal unit cost.

Suppose approximately $600 million of the new commitments were directed towards household equipment, following the previous allocation pattern.

At an illustrative cost of:

  • $12.50 per beneficiary, the financing could potentially support access for approximately 48 million people
  • $25 per beneficiary, it could potentially support approximately 24 million people

A reasonable indicative range would therefore be 24 million to 48 million people.

This is not a forecast of guaranteed delivery. It is an Agenda Beyond Borders scenario showing the possible scale of impact under efficient implementation.

Actual results may be lower where financing must first construct infrastructure or support expensive last-mile distribution. They could be higher where consumer contributions, carbon revenues, private capital, and government subsidies leverage the committed funds.

Africa still needs to accelerate dramatically

The latest access gains are promising, but they remain insufficient.

Approximately 12 million Africans gained clean-cooking access in 2024. An earlier IEA pathway estimated that around 80 million people would need to gain access annually for Africa to achieve universal clean cooking by approximately 2040—nearly seven times the current annual pace.

Finance must therefore do more than purchase appliances.

It must create markets that continue operating after grants and concessional facilities have ended.

That requires businesses that can supply fuel reliably, financial institutions that understand the sector, governments that establish supportive regulations, and consumers who can afford both the initial appliance and the recurring energy cost.

Are African projects ready?

This may be the most important question.

Africa has no shortage of clean-cooking ideas. What remains limited is the number of projects that are sufficiently prepared to receive investment at scale.

A finance-ready clean-cooking project must demonstrate at least eight elements:

  1. A clearly defined market – The project must know who its customers are, what they currently use, how much they spend on fuel, and what prevents them from switching.
  2. Appropriate technology – Technology selection must reflect household income, cooking practices, electricity reliability, fuel availability, and cultural preferences.
  3. A sustainable financial model – Projects need realistic estimates of equipment costs, fuel costs, customer acquisition, maintenance, distribution, repayment, and long-term revenue.
  4. Affordable consumer financing – Pay-as-you-go systems, microfinance, targeted subsidies, carbon revenues, and results-based financing can reduce the upfront burden on low-income households.
  5. Reliable supply chains – A project must demonstrate that stoves, cylinders, spare parts, fuels, and technical services will remain available after the initial distribution.
  6. Strong MRV systems – Investors and donors will expect evidence of appliance distribution, sustained usage, fuel displacement, emissions reductions, health benefits, gender outcomes, and consumer satisfaction. Counting stoves distributed is not enough. Projects must verify whether households are consistently using the new technology and whether they have returned to charcoal or firewood because of cost, supply shortages, or cultural preferences.
  7. Environmental and social safeguards – Projects must identify safety risks, waste-management requirements, labour conditions, land implications, affordability risks, and possible exclusions of low-income or remote households.
  8. Institutional capacity – The implementing organisation must have suitable governance, procurement, financial management, data systems, and technical personnel.

Without these systems, commitments may remain undisbursed—or flow mainly to large international institutions and established companies rather than local African organisations.

The role of carbon finance

Carbon markets can play an important role in making clean-cooking technologies more affordable.

Revenue from verified emissions reductions can subsidise appliances, strengthen distribution systems, and support after-sales services. Results-based structures can also link payments to verified sales, installation, and continued usage.

However, carbon finance is not free money.

Clean-cooking projects must establish credible baselines, demonstrate additionality, monitor sustained appliance usage, account for fuel stacking, avoid double counting, and apply conservative emissions assumptions.

Weak carbon accounting could generate short-term revenue but damage investor confidence and the reputation of the entire sector.

High-integrity MRV will therefore become one of the most valuable capabilities in Africa’s clean-cooking market.

From commitments to functioning markets

The $900 million announcement is a major opportunity—but the ultimate measure of success will not be the size of the commitment.

It will be:

  • How much is disbursed
  • How quickly it reaches projects
  • How much additional capital it mobilises
  • How many households consistently adopt clean cooking
  • Whether fuel remains affordable
  • Whether women save time
  • Whether household air pollution declines
  • Whether forests and emissions are protected
  • Whether African enterprises become commercially sustainable

Africa does not simply need more stoves.

It needs functioning clean-cooking ecosystems.

Governments must establish coherent policies and remove unnecessary taxes and tariffs. Financial institutions must provide suitable capital. Development partners must invest in preparation and market development. Businesses must demonstrate commercial viability. Community organisations must support awareness and adoption. MRV systems must verify that promised outcomes are actually achieved.

The Agenda Beyond Borders perspective

The new commitments should encourage African governments, enterprises, NGOs, and development organisations to begin preparing projects now.

Waiting for a funding announcement before developing an investment case is often too late.

Organisations should assess their project pipelines, conduct market studies, develop financial models, strengthen MRV systems, identify implementation partners, and prepare credible evidence of demand.

The central lesson is clear:

Climate finance does not flow only to the places with the greatest need. It flows to institutions that can translate need into credible, measurable, and investment-ready projects.

The $900 million can change millions of lives. But its impact will depend on the quality of the projects, institutions, and delivery systems waiting to receive it.

Agenda Beyond Borders supports organisations with climate-finance readiness assessments, project and investment-case development, financial structuring, MEAL and MRV systems, proposal preparation, and institutional capacity building.

Request a Climate-Finance Readiness Conversation with Agenda Beyond Borders:

  • Website: www.agendabeyondborders.org
  • Email: info@agendabeyondborders.org

The 86 percent loss by UDA in Ol Kalou: A death knell and why the Nyeri ‘ghost’ will strike Ruto in Mt Kenya

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By Anderson Ojwang

Thirty-six years ago, the Gema and Kamatusa political alliance negotiated by then President, the late Daniel Moi, with Mt Kenya elders and leaders collapsed after the Kipipiri by-election.

Kanu, the ruling party in the 1996 by-election, fell to the hammer of his former Vice President, the late Mwai Kibaki of the DP party.

Similarly, on Thursday, during the Ol Kalou by-election, the fate befell President William Ruto after his party UDA lost in the by-election to his former deputy Rigathi Gachagua of DCP.

Former President Uhuru Kenyatta had in 2013 brokered a political alliance with Ruto, which culminated in a joint ticket presidency. It became known as “kumi-kumi.”

After the Kipipiri loss, the political formation Gema-Kamatusa, which was meant to bring the two regions together, collapsed over what was said to be unfulfilled electricity promises in Kipipiri.

Interestingly, President Ruto and his former boss, Uhuru Kenyatta, coined the political alliance that brought the two regions together after they were charged at The Hague over the 2007 post-election violence.

Uhuru pulled out of the union after the 2017 general elections and entered into a political handshake with the late Raila Amolo Odinga.

In the 2022 presidential election, Uhuru supported the Azimio La Umoja candidate but lost to Ruto.

Ruto, through Gachagua and other leaders from Mt Kenya, including Deputy President Prof Kindiki Kithure, mastered a victory.

Gachagua, after his impeachment, has declared war on President Ruto and has ganged up with Uhuru, DP leader JB Muturi, Martha Karua, and other leaders to lock the President out of Mt Kenya.

Trends and patterns in Mt Kenya

President Ruto lost the Ol Kalou by-election by 86 percent to the DCP candidate and eventual winner Waweru Ngotho. The UDA candidate managed a paltry 13 percent.

In 1996, Paul Githiomi Mwangi of the Democratic Party (DP) won overwhelmingly, garnering 84.5 percent with 14,858 votes, against the ruling party Kanu’s Joe Maina, who only received 3,144 votes, accounting for 17.5 percent.

In the 2022 presidential election, Ruto won in Nyeri County by 81.7 percent, accounting for 272,507 votes against Azimio La Umoja Presidential candidate, the late Raila Odinga’s 15.82 percent, accounting for 52,043 votes.

In Kirinyaga County, Ruto secured 84.08 percent with 230,752 votes against Raila’s 13.7 percent, accounting for 37,978 votes.

In Murang’a County, Ruto’s percentage win was 81.9 percent with 343,411 votes against Raila’s 11.30 percent with 75,539 votes.

In Kiambu County, Ruto won by 72.99 percent with 606,105 votes against Raila’s 210,493 votes.

In Nyandarua County, Ruto won by 78.2 percent with 189,384 votes against Raila’s 20 percent with 48,227 votes.

In Meru County, Ruto won by 80.87 percent with 369,363 votes against Raila’s 17.48 percent with 79,842 votes.

In Embu County, Ruto won by 64.34 percent with 187,186 votes against Raila’s 18.97 percent with 31,118 votes.

From the above pattern and trend, the Ol Kalou by-election, where the UDA candidate received 13 percent against DCP’s 86 percent, is a clear indication of how Ruto will likely perform in the presidential elections in 2027.

From the analysis of Raila’s percentage and in comparison to the Ol Kalou outcome, Ruto will likely swing between 10-20 percent in Mt Kenya.

Nyeri ghost

Kipipiri MP Wanjiku Muhia wrote: “I want to thank the people of Ol Kalou for maintaining our history of Kipipiri 1995. This was an unprecedented election for our time, where the entire government system opposed us.”

Just like his mentor Moi, President Ruto fell to the Nyeri ghost in the Kipipiri by-election.

Moi, who was in his final term of presidency, witnessed a collapse of his Kanu party at the 2002 presidential election, when the party presidential candidate Uhuru lost to Kibaki.

In the September 1995 by-election, then President the late Moi faced off with the Democratic Party leader, the late Mwai Kibaki, in the contest.

Mwai Kibaki, from Nyeri, was supporting the party candidate Paul Githiomi Mwangi.

President Moi was from the Kalenjin community, and currently President William Ruto, his student and from his community, presented a United Democratic Alliance (UDA) candidate, Samuel Muchina. Kibaki was Moi’s Vice President before he was sacked, and he later formed DP after the repealing of Section 2A that allowed multi-partyism.

President Ruto faced off with his impeached former deputy Gachagua, and the DCP candidate Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru – Ngotho easily rode to victory.

The politics of Ol Kalou has been determined by Nyeri, with the first MP being the socialist and fiery politician, the late JM Kariuki, during the administration of the founding president, the late Jomo Kenyatta.

JM’s parents were originally from Nyeri but were displaced in 1928 from their family home in Chinga village.

Relationship

Just like the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, the relationship between the people of Nyandarua and his government was bad.

In the late 1960s and early ’70s, Kariuki’s relationship with Kenyatta became increasingly strained as Kariuki became increasingly vocal in his criticism of Kenyatta’s governmental policies and their results, including high levels of government corruption and widening inequalities.

The government’s attempts to thwart his re-election as Nyandarua North MP in 1972 flopped because of his popularity among ordinary Kenyans.

While Kenyatta praised Kenya’s great progress, JM declared that Kenya “had become a country of 10 millionaires and ten million beggars.”

Most of the local leaders from Nyandarua County, led by Senator John Methu and Kipipiri MP Wanjiku Muhia, have been critical of Ruto. Now the support for Ruto and the opposition is split right in the middle at three.

Defections

The recent defections by Murang’a Governor Irungu Kangata and Kiharu MP Ndindi Nyoro, close confidants of Ruto, to the opposition were a clear indication of the end of the President’s reign in the region.

Calm the storm

Kapsaret MP Kipchumba Sudi moved to calm the storm, saying the loss will have no effect on the presidential election.

“Let’s all calm down and stop making wild proclamations like Gachagua, who just said he will mobilise Molima’s 7M votes against Ruto in 2027. 7 Million!? From where? Last time I checked, Molima’s TOTAL votes cast in 2022 (for both Raila and Ruto) was 3.8 million… I have included ALL the votes in cosmopolitan counties like Nakuru, Laikipia and Kiambu, to counterbalance the Nairobi votes (which are give or take 500k votes cast – 67% of the approximate 800k Nairobi Molima voters). Post-2022, IEBC has registered about 527,000 new voters in Molima counties. So, long arithmetic simplified, there is no universe where Gachagua gives anyone above 4M votes, even assuming they vote 100% for his preferred presidential ticket. Maths don’t lie, Wamunyoros do. PS: One of the tricks Wamunyoros normally use to shore up their numbers and create an artificial ‘tuko wengi’ perception is they usually compare their REGISTERED votes total against other regions’ votes CAST. It is not uncommon to hear them say ‘Sisi tuko na kura million saba, na nyinyi hamna kura, mlipigia Raila kura blah blah.’ That trick won’t work anymore… We now compare Registered vs Registered, and Cast vs Cast… WAOL,” he wrote.

The undocumented Sh10 million expenditures at the National Gender and Equality Commission

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By Team

The Internal Audit Report at the National Gender and Equality Commission has revealed that 20 activities valued at Sh10 million were not supported by activity reports or back-to-office reports.

“The required information was not provided for the review despite several follow-up emails requesting submissions,” read the report in parts.

The report observed that the absence of supporting evidence and the commission’s core mandate in the achievement of the implementation of the activities could not be verified or established.

The report recommended that the management should strengthen documentation and reporting processes by ensuring that all implemented work plan activities were fully supported with evidence, including activity reports and back-to-office reports.

Weaknesses

The report established the existence of significant weaknesses in programme implementation, budget performance, and expenditure management within the commission.

“These weaknesses are characterised by inadequate adherence to approved workplans, weak budgetary controls, implementation of activities without budget provision, and execution of unplanned activities,” it read.

The report also indicted the Chief Executive Officer (CEO), Dr Purity Ngina, over a Sh30 million budget variance.

The CEO was on the spot over the diversion of Sh24,137,429 from programme departments to the Executive Offices, which had no budget allocation.

“The Executive Offices incurred expenditure of Sh24,137,429 without an approved budget allocation, resulting in diversion of resources from programme departments during the period under review,” read the report.

The report also established that the review of expenditure against the approved budget allocation for the period July 2025 to March revealed significant variance across departments.

The overall expenditure amounted to Sh40,892,869 against the approved budget of Sh71,607,844, resulting in an unutilised balance of Sh30,715,300.

“The Audit noted low absorption of allocated funds in some departments, particularly the SIG department, which utilised only Sh4,072,300 out of the allocated Sh57,800, resulting in a variance of Sh53,727,300. This indicates under-implementation of planned activities,” the report read in parts.

The Legal Complaint and Redress Department was allocated Sh3,380,000 and only spent Sh616,440, occasioning a variance of Sh2,963,560.

The Monitoring, Evaluation and Knowledge Management Department also recorded under-expenditure from the allocated Sh1,136,300 and spent Sh719,600, leaving a budget variance of Sh416,900.

The audit report also noted over-expenditure in the Research Department and Regional Coordination Department, amounting to Sh14,300 and Sh2,241,146 respectively, indicating expenditure beyond approved budget provisions.

The Research Department allocation was Sh988,760 but spent Sh1,003,100.

The Regional Coordination Department was allocated Sh8,012,654 but spent Sh10,348,800, an excess of Sh2,241,146.

The Executive Offices were not allocated any budget but spent Sh24,157,429, with a variance of Sh24,237,439.

Implication

The report noted significant budget variance, underutilisation, and over-expenditure, which indicated weak budgetary control leading to non-implementation of planned activities and affecting the achievement of the commission’s objectives.

Spot

The report also put Dr Ngina on the spot over the implementation of activities valued at Sh14,668,157.20, which were outside the approved work plan and budget allocation.

The report revealed glaring financial mismanagement and blatant abuse of office by the officers.

Similarly, the Special Audit Review on programme implementation, budget performance and expenditure for the Financial Year 2025/2026 revealed that during the period, the Executive Offices initiated 21 activities costing Sh24,138,429.12.

“Out of the 21 activities undertaken, only two had been planned and included in the respective programme directorate workplans, while 19 were unplanned and had not been captured in the approved programme workplan,” read the report.

The report further revealed that 11 out of the 19 unplanned executive activities were approved by the CEO despite confirmation from the Finance Department that the budget had been depleted and no funds were available.

The emerging questions are: why did the CEO of the Year implement activities outside the approved work plan and budget even after she was advised by the Finance Department about depleted funds? Why did the Commissioners allow the blatant abuse of office to go unheeded under their watch, and what disciplinary actions have they taken so far on the CEO?

The report seen by Western Insight revealed that 21 activities under the Regional Coordination Department and Executive Offices, amounting to Sh14,668,157.72, were implemented outside the approved work plan and budget allocation, resulting in the diversion of resources from planned activities.

Activities approved and implemented without budget provision

The following were the activities that were implemented outside the work plan:

Executive Offices

The Executive Offices incurred a total of Sh8,427,900, which the CEO approved even after being advised that the budget had been depleted, while others had no budget at all.

  • Participation of NGEC in the IX International Scientific and Practical Conference in Moscow, Russia, which incurred Sh2,224,250 – the foreign travel did not consider the budget line.
  • Request for facilitation on the official visit to the late Raila Odinga’s home in Bondo-Siaya County, where Sh449,600 was incurred. It was approved with no budget indication.
  • Participation as an observer in the Pan African Parliamentary Election in South Africa and participation in the Pan African Women’s Organisation Council meeting in Angola. The activities incurred Sh1,755,213; the budget was depleted, first charge 2026/2027.
  • Participation in COP30-UN Climate Change Conference in Brazil, which incurred Sh2,339,400, approved in February 2026; budget depleted.
  • Participation of NGEC in the Nyota Business Start-Up Capital Disbursement Programme, where the Commission incurred Sh230,000, and there was no budget.
  • First Annual Nyeri Youth Summit-CBO, where the Commission incurred Sh78,400; the budget had been depleted.
  • 2025 Annual National Multi-Stakeholders Conference – there was no budget, but the Commission incurred Sh474,390.
  • Request for facilitation to attend the Public Service End of the Year Reflection Dinner in Kisumu – this was approved, but the budget had been depleted. The Commission incurred Sh101,400.
  • Request for facilitation to attend the official flag-off of the 2025/2026 Kenya Mini Demographic and Health Survey – approved while the budget was depleted, and the Commission incurred Sh113,000.
  • Participation in the funeral of Mzee Weston Kiricho Kanja, the father of the Inspector General of Police – approved while the budget was depleted, as the Commission incurred Sh61,000.
  • County Children’s Prayer Day in Nyeri Town – approved but the budget was depleted, and the county incurred Sh84,000.
  • Citizens Engagement Initiative in Nyeri Town Constituency – approved while the budget was depleted, and the Commission incurred Sh247,400.
  • Peace Walk and Burial Ceremony in Nyeri County – approved while the budget was depleted, and the Commission incurred Sh123,200.
  • Participation in World Water Day – approved while the budget was depleted; the Commission incurred Sh155,400.

Department of Regional Coordination

The activities in the Department of Regional Coordination were:

  • NGEC-JICAGBX Elimination Project in Kajiado and Machakos counties, with a total of Sh932,400 approved when funds were depleted but implemented.
  • NGEC-JICAGBX Elimination Project in Baringo County, incurring a total of Sh446,200; funds were depleted but implemented.

Department of Monitoring and Evaluation

In the Department of Monitoring and Evaluation, the activity was an invitation to a High-Level Sector Workshop, of which Sh226,800 was incurred. Funds were depleted but implemented.

  • Development of a Status Report on Equity and Inclusion in Boards of Management and Top Management – there was no budget but was approved and implemented at a cost of Sh702,100.

Special Interest Group

  • Commemoration of the Day of Persons with Disabilities – approved, depleted budget, and implemented at a cost of Sh100,000.
  • International Women’s Day Celebrations – approved, depleted budget, implemented at a cost of Sh1,640,200.
  • Commemoration of International Day of Zero Tolerance Against FGM – budget depleted but implemented at a cost of Sh425,000.

Observation

The report said the Commission failed to comply with the approved work plan and the Public Finance Management Act.

The report observed that the action was contrary to the Public Finance Management Act 2012, Section 68(1), which requires an accounting officer of a national government entity to be accountable to the National Assembly for ensuring that the resources of the respective entity for which he or she is accounting officer are used in a way that is lawful and authorised, and effective, efficient, economical and transparent.

It recommended that all activities were to be implemented within the approved workplan and budgets, and that any amendments were formally approved and supported by appropriate budget reallocation to prevent budget overruns and enhance accountability.

The series continues.

When the people’s power prevailed in Ol Kalou

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By Anderson Ojwang’

They woke up before sunrise. The drums of war rang in every corner of the village. The old, young and elderly trudged to the polling stations.

They braved the morning breeze, the sweltering afternoon heat and the evening cold and waited patiently to make a statement through the votes.

A statement of intent. When action spoke louder than words. The people celebrated. In Ol Kalou, they spoke and the people prevailed.

People’s power spoke louder than the goodies and the money that was witnessed during the campaigns.

Not even the heavy presence of security details and free-flowing money could change the resolve of the electorate.

A new journey and dispensation was birthed in the land of settlers and rebels. Ol Kalou, just like Kipipiri in the 1995 by-election, did not disappoint, and history repeated itself. Just like the ruling party Kanu was vanquished in Kipipiri, so was UDA in Ol Kalou, humbled and humiliated.

What is people’s power?

People power is a political slogan and concept describing the grassroots driving force of social movements, where ordinary citizens mobilise to challenge corporate or political establishments. It highlights collective willpower, participatory democracy, and the assertion that ultimate sovereignty belongs to the people, rather than ruling elites.

In democratic nations—such as Kenya, where Article 1 of the Constitution establishes that all sovereign power belongs to the people—people power means citizens can exercise authority directly or through elected representatives. It is the legal and moral justification for public protests, referendums, and civic accountability.

Nyandarua Senator John Methu and the residents came up with a new political mantra and movement of “Sh10 versus Sh1 billion” for the parliamentary by-election.

This was in reference to the alleged remarks by former Cabinet Secretary Moses Kuria, who called the DCP candidate Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru – Ngotho a “chokora” (street kid), prompting residents to raise funds for the purchase of a suit for his swearing-in as MP-elect.

He wrote on his social media platforms: “And 2,823 souls gave 10 shillings each to buy a suit for the swearing-in of the incoming Ol Kalou MP Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru – Ngotho. Moses Kuria called him a chokoraa, and the people have decided to make lemonade out of the lemon.”

He continued: “Last Tuesday, Mugumo villagers agreed to contribute 10 shillings each when they come today, to buy a brand new suit for the swearing-in of the incoming MP Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru – Ngotho after Mr William Samoei Ruto, through his most trusted lieutenant Moses Kuria, called him a chokoraa. Pesa wametoa nyingi.”

For Methu, the Sh10 contributions run deeper than just financial support – it is love and a morale booster ahead of the July 16th by-election.

“The 10 shillings movement really boosts our morale ahead of the 16th July moment of truth. It’s not the money, it’s the love. Ata Mpesa imehang vile mmetum. Siku ingine mtu akiitana chokoraa atajua ata chokora ako na watu wao. Ukiona mama amefunga kumi kwa handkerchief ya kuletea Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru – Ngotho ujue huku mambo ni noma. It’s 10 shillings versus 1 billion,” he wrote.

Deflated

And even before the centre referee could blow the final whistle to end the game, President William Ruto’s close confidant and political strategist, Kapsaret MP Oscar Sudi, threw in the towel.

The margin was so scary and humbling that Sudi could not hold any longer and raced to his social media platforms to congratulate the DCP candidate and eventual winner, Waweru Ngotho.

Sudi wrote: “I want to congratulate Hon. Sammy Kamau Waweru for winning the Ol Kalou by-election. Thumbs up also to Samuel Muchina Nyagah for a well-fought race. I was on the ground, and I respect the decision made by the people of Ol Kalou. This administration of President William Ruto was formed by the people of Murima, and they are still part of this Government. Now, my people, let us move forward.”

Deputy President Prof Abraham Kindiki Kithure followed suit by congratulating the winner and facing the reality of a loss to his bitter rival and former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua.

Kindiki wrote: “Congratulations Sammy Douglas Waweru Kamau on your imminent victory in the by-election held today for the MP seat for Ol Kalou constituency. Unite the residents and serve them all without distinction. Congratulations Samuel Muchina, our UDA Party candidate, for a good show and a mature, issue-based campaign devoid of insults. You may not have succeeded today, but your star shines bright into the future.”

People’s power

Co-Principal of Linda Mwananchi and Siaya Governor James Orengo said the ordinary people won at the Ol Kalou by-election.

Orengo wrote: “DCP’s Sammy Douglas Waweru’s decisive win in Ol Kalou represents a triumph for ordinary citizens. It is a clear signal that the ground has shifted, and President Ruto should prepare for a single term. From Mt. Kenya to the Lake region, the people have spoken, it is WAN-TAM.”

Murang’a Governor Irungu Kangata said his trip to the county was not in vain despite the attack and injuries.

“Congrats Sammy. You fought very hard. Our trip to Nyahururu was not in vain despite the injuries,” he wrote.

Why the people will have a say in 2027 and not money

Ol Kalou has set a precedent. It is not about money but the will of the masses. If it was about money, then UDA candidate Muchina could have won the election.

A new chapter and a new dispensation. What and which is the hope to the people?

An interesting 2027 general elections, a return to the drawing board for the government and for the opposition.

It is still tie, final match 10th August 2027, Kindiki tells Gachagua

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By Anderson Ojwang

No bragging right. The game is still a tie. The referee waves play on for immediate former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and his successor Prof Abraham Kithure Kindiki.

Kindiki took the battle a notch higher when he posted on his social media platforms: “Mbeere North: 1, Ol Kalou: 1. Final Match: 10 Aug’ 2027,” in reference to the battle of Mt Kenya.

He went on to say: “A good time to re-engineer the game altogether.”

Kindiki and Gachagua are sworn political rivals, with each claiming seniority and the leadership of Mt Kenya.

Kindiki’s gauntlet

Ahead of the Ol Kalou by-election, Kindiki had promised to teach Gachagua another political lesson similar to Mbeere North.

He promised to deflate Gachagua, who has been chest-thumping as the king and de facto leader of Mt Kenya.

Kindiki was optimistic that the Ol Kalou by-election would be another opportunity to revenge and inflict another pain on Gachagua.

“Wait, there is a by-election coming in Ol Kalou, Nyandarua. I will meet with that man in Nyandarua. I am waiting to meet him in Nyandarua, and the way he chest-thumps, I will demolish him. I will dismantle him badly. That is where respect will prevail and will be birthed,” he said.

Hotels closed

On the eve of the by-election, Gachagua declared that all the hotels the government had opened in Ol Kalou were closed, and it was a defining moment.

“I have the duty and moral authority to officially announce that all Kasongo hotels that were opened in Ol Kalou and operated by his collaborators in hubris and betrayal, and partners in corruption and the looting of public resources, are officially shut and shall remain so,” he wrote.

He told the residents that the time was up for them to regroup back home and defeat UDA in the by-election.

“I am relaxing in Wamunyoro, waiting to celebrate with the residents of Ol Kalou on Thursday, 16th July, at 9:00 p.m.,” he wrote.

Honour in loss

Kindiki, the learned friend, understood honour in loss and was the first to concede defeat and congratulated Waweru.

“Congratulations Sammy Douglas Waweru Kamau on your imminent victory in the by-election held today for the MP seat for Ol Kalou constituency. Unite the residents and serve them all without distinction. Congratulations Samuel Muchina, our UDA Party candidate, for a good show and a mature, issue-based campaign devoid of insult,” he wrote.

Genesis

Kindiki’s tiff with Gachagua burst open during the 2022 choice of President William Ruto’s running mate.

Ruto, then Deputy President and UDA presidential candidate for the 2022 presidential election, had invited then Mathira MP Rigathi Gachagua and then Tharaka Nithi Senator Prof Kithure Kindiki to a duel for his deputy.

In this contest, a stalemate that lasted over 17 hours was characterised by failed consensus building, with opinion polls favouring Kindiki.

Ruto and his team resorted to opinion polls conducted internally to unlock the stalemate. The first poll, conducted internally by a strategy and research team headed by Cabinet Secretary Davis Chirchir, involved 10,000 respondents drawn from 10 Mt. Kenya counties. In that poll, Kindiki trounced Gachagua, with Governor Anne Waiguru coming in third.

In the second survey, conducted nationwide in the 47 counties involving 25,000 respondents, Kindiki yet again emerged top, with Waiguru and Gachagua second and third respectively.

The final vote involved the Central Kenya UDA MPs, who were called in for a vote. Senator Kindiki once again trounced Gachagua.

Out of the 31 Mt. Kenya UDA MPs present, 22 voted in favour of Kindiki, 5 voted for Gachagua, two backed Waiguru, while Muturi obtained one vote, with one rejected vote.

The referee was left with no alternative but to annul the results and instead awarded the mantle to Gachagua, who was later impeached by Parliament and the Senate.

Impeachment

The impeachment of Gachagua opened the gate for Kindiki to become the third Deputy President. The elevation incensed Gachagua, who has never forgiven Kindiki.

Mbeere North

Mbeere North provided Kindiki with the opportunity to humiliate Gachagua at the ballot box. Gachagua supported the DP candidate Newton Kariuki, who lost to UDA’s Leo Wamuthende.

Gachagua dared President Ruto to join the fray during the Mbeere North campaigns, who instead enlisted the services of his deputy to lead the contest.

“You Kasongo, come. I am here with the people of Mbeere. We will show you dust. Don’t send a government employee. You Kasongo, come yourself. This Kasongo, the Mbeere people have eaten his money. Do we shave him?” Gachagua said.

For Kindiki, he delivered his promise by slaying the mountain Goliath to stake his claim as the biblical David of Mt Kenya and political leader.

“You came with your jokes and noise. Go away and leave me alone. You, Goliath, your days are numbered, and on Thursday, it will be done and dusted. I am the senior-most political leader in the Mt Kenya region, for the avoidance of doubt,” he said then.

Peers

Kindiki said Gachagua was not his peer in leadership and the academic world, as he has held various senior positions while the former Deputy President was a junior officer in the government.

“If you continue like that, I will embarrass you, Rigathi Gachagua. Leave me alone. Seek votes for Newton Kariuki and leave me alone. I am not a person to be played with. I have come here to seek votes for Wamuthende, and I am not forcing them. You have a lot of jokes. You Goliath, for far too long, you have threatened people. Your days are numbered. Come Thursday, you will suffer defeat,” he said then.

The battle just about to begin

When bulls fight, it is the grass that suffers. Mt Kenya is preparing to usher in the battle of the bulls.

Who will have the last laugh and say?

DCP’s first born as UDA loses footing in Mt Kenya

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By Anderson Ojwang

In the land of the settlers and the rebels, where marginalisation has been part of life, a new child and king was born last Thursday night.

In the hands of Nyandarua Senator John Methu and the iron lady of Kipipiri, Wanjiku Muhia, the people of Ol Kalou and the opposition had entrusted the pregnancy and safe delivery of the child, Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru.

On Thursday, on the way to the labour ward, ugly scenes marked the journey which threatened the safe delivery, but as fate would have it, no amount of intimidation and harassment could stop the birth of the child whose time had arrived.

The birth of the child marked the beginning of the end of the reign of the old king, the United Democratic Alliance (UDA).

The child – the Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP) – marked its entry at the Ol Kalou by-election, where celebration and dance broke out in the night and throughout the day.

The announcement

The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) on Friday declared the winner of the by-election, setting the ground and pace for the 2027 presidential elections.

The IEBC Returning Officer, Antony Njiraine, declared Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru of the Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP) duly elected Member of the National Assembly for Ol Kalou Constituency after garnering 35,440 votes.

President William Ruto’s UDA candidate, Mr Samuel Muchina Nyagah, came a poor second with 5,450 votes and lost by a margin of 30,000 votes.

Former President Uhuru Kenyatta’s party, Jubilee, was mauled and carcasses left for the beast after the candidate Wilson Mwaniki Kigwa got a negligible 198 votes, while Timothy Kamau Kariuki (PM) – 51, Edwin Kariiri Muchiri (PNU) – 28, Abdifatah Hussein Abdullahi (FPK) – 19, Edward Mathenge Mwaniki (KMM) – 16, and Rachael Wangui Njoroge (PDP) – 11.

Voter turnout

In Ol Kalou, the registered voters were 73,480, with a voter turnout and votes cast standing at 41,656, marking a 57 percent turnout. This was one of the highest voter turnouts in recent by-elections in the country.

DCP wrote “Congratulations our first born,” as it marked and announced its entry into the country’s political scene, with eyes set on reclaiming Mt Kenya from the grasp of President Ruto.

The party leader, Rigathi Gachagua, marked the victory by sending a warning to President Ruto on the 2027 presidential elections.

“Go tell President William Ruto, you don’t know politics. I will teach you politics next year. You didn’t study politics, and you think you know a lot. Kenyans have now exposed you,” he said.

Gachagua said the opposition will unite against President Ruto in the 2027 general elections and expressed optimism of victory.

“I will unite with other Kenyans – Kalonzo Musyoka, Fred Matiang’i, Eugene Wamalwa, George Natembeya, Martha Karua, JB Muturi, Edwin Sifuna, and Babu Owino. Together, we shall liberate our country,” he said.

Man of the moment

DCP acting Secretary General Methu is the man of the moment and has lived to continue to torment President Ruto in Mt Kenya.

Methu spearheaded the campaigns and, without the support of Gachagua and other opposition leaders, delivered the victory and the first born for DCP.

“My brother, my friend, Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru – Ngotho, congratulations on your very resounding win. The people have spoken, unequivocally so. Go out and serve. You have been the easiest person that I have worked with. Our campaigns were the smoothest because you were so committed. I have no doubt in my mind that the people of Ol Kalou have gotten the best,” he wrote.

Methu thanked the team, including the party leader Gachagua, for the support.

“On behalf of the entire team, we are so grateful to our party leader H.E. Rigathi Gachagua, EGH, for his guidance throughout the entire by-election. We are proud to follow a brilliant leader who has an answer to every political question. To the great people of Ol Kalou, my people, my blood, I am overwhelmed by your love. You promised that mùtikwendia rùrìrì, and indeed, almost to a man, voted to restore the dignity of our community,” he wrote.

He said DCP now has three legislators against UDA’s four in Nyandarua and promised a battle in next year’s general elections.

The iron lady

Wanjiku has emerged as the iron lady of Mt Kenya politics. The radical Kipipiri MP has carved herself a niche and can no longer play a peripheral role in Mt Kenya politics. She is the iron lady of Mt Kenya politics into the future.

“Dear Sammy Douglas Kamau Waweru, MP Elect Ol Kalou Constituency, congratulations on your victory! Ol Kalou has spoken loudly and clearly,” she wrote.

Wanjiku attributed the success to God’s favour and that through God, the victory was assured.

“This success belongs to God, demonstrating that He is our Mighty Father; if God says YES, no one can say no. To the people of Ol Kalou, I cannot thank you enough. You are the real Itungatis. The attacks at more than 20 polling stations were an attempt to scare you, but you stood firm against the goons and the guns. Your resolve was unshakable,” she said.

She thanked the team for ensuring and delivering victory against the UDA onslaught and goodies.

“I want to extend special recognition to all our voters, our Gitungati 001, H.E. Rigathi Gachagua, EGH, and our very own Kaba Methu. I also thank Kipipiri constituency for allowing me to be away in support of the community (Ruriri). Thank you all so much for your incredible support,” she wrote.